Large and sustained protests against government’s pro-Russian stance and Foreign Agent Law

This update covers developments relating to the freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly in Slovakia from 1st November 2024 to 27th May 2025.

GENERAL

Since the current government took office in 2023, democratic institutions and the rule of law have been seriously threatened. The Prime Minister repeatedly attacks civil society organisations and independent media, while promoting pro-Russian and anti-EU rhetoric. He has met with Russian President Putin and called Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy an enemy over a gas transit dispute. These foreign policy moves have been a key factor in the largest anti-government protests since the 2018 demonstrations following the murder of investigative journalist Ján Kuciak. The demonstrations coincided with turmoil within the ruling, fragile coalition that is struggling to maintain its majority in parliament.

UN Rapporteurs warn about the erosion of freedoms in Slovakia

On 10th March 2025, five UN Special Rapporteurs and one Independent expert called on the Slovak government to end the stigmatisation and persecution of NGOs, journalists and CSOs and to stop using surveillance systems for political repression.

The experts expressed being “deeply worried by Government actions that threaten the independence of key state institutions and freedoms of speech and assembly,” and warned that the adoption of the “Lex assassination” law violates international law. They explicitly mentioned the alleged surveillance of activists using spyware like Pegasus by the Slovak Information Service, the excessive use of police force against peaceful protesters, arbitrary detentions and the criminalisation of human rights defenders.

Continuous discrimination against Roma children

On 26th February 2025, the UN Child Rights Committee issued its concluding observations on Slovakia, after the review of the sixth periodic report of the State party. The Committee noted its serious concern “about reports of excessive use of force against and ill-treatment of Roma children by the State party’s law enforcement officials” and the low number of prosecutions and convictions of police officers accused of ill-treatment of Roma children. On Roma children, the Committee further expressed concern over their disproportionately high numbers in special education institutions; their high dropout rates and their low enrolement rate in preschool education.

Further Down in Corruption Index

On 11th February 2025, it was announced that Slovakia had lost 12 positions in the Corruption Perception Index, compiled annually by Transparency International in Berlin, ranking 59th out of 180 countries.

The report for Western Europe notes that this sharp decline in Slovakia is due to numerous reforms eroding anti-corruption checks, in particular the dissolution of the Special Prosecutor’s Office and the police’s National Crime Agency. Various changes have limited the ability to prosecute perpetrators in ongoing cases and have fostered impunity.

Amendments to the Access to Information Act aim at charging fees for requests

On 10th December 2024, the Parliament adopted an amendment to the Access to Information Act No. 211/2000 to extend the basic deadline for providing information to citizens from 8 to 12 working days (Section 17) as well as to charge for the provision of information in cases of ‘extensive search’. The added paragraphs 6 and 7 of Section 14 provide that the obligated authority may request payment for providing the information and that the provision of information is conditional upon payment of the amount requested. The new Section 21(1) provides that the obligated authority may also request reimbursement of reasonable costs incurred for extensive searches of requested information.

The opposition and the President pointed out the unconstitutionality of these changes, but these objections were ignored. The President sent the law back to Parliament, underlining that the provisions were too vague and subject to arbitrary evaluations by the authorities asked to provide information. The Parliament overrode this veto.

On 28th and 29th January 2025, 33 Members of the National Council and the Public Defender of Rights initiated proceedings before the Constitutional Court against these amendements. Their argument was that the provision for costs incurred in the extraordinary extensive search for information is an unconstitutional limitation of the right to information and several constitutional principles. The Court joined the cases and on 28th March 2025 concluded that the threat of adverse impacts was real, direct and specific, and therefore suspended the newly amended provisions in Sections 14 and 21 of the Freedom of Information Act.

On 11th April 2025, the NGOs Zastavme korupciu, VIA IURIS, Transparency International Slovakia, MEMO 98 and INEKO sent their own analysis of the adopted amendment to the Information Act to the Constitutional Court, for it to examine the constitutionality of the law. According to them, it contradicts Article 26 (4) of the Slovak Constitution which provides that “Freedom of expression and the right to receive and disseminate information may be lawfully limited only where, in a democratic society, it is necessary to protect rights and freedoms of others, state security, law and order, health and morality”. They further underline the lack of clarity in the law and its discriminatory impact on low-income groups, civil society organisations, and independent media.

PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY

Large protests and open letters to denounce the Prime Minister’s pro-Russian policies

In December 2024, the Prime Minister appeared on Russian television and announced his intention to attend the Victory Day commemorations in May 2025 in Moscow. This appearance caused significant reactions, including demonstrations, which remained peaceful despite the Prime Minister’s claim that a coup was being prepared in Slovakia by the opposition, non-governmental organisations, the media, and a secret group of experts from abroad. The Prime Minister warned that these foreign-financed “structures” would misuse the protests to create “conflicts with state security forces to further escalate tensions.”

These claims were made just before a no-confidence vote was scheduled. The Prime Minister abruptly requested that the session be closed to the public and presented a confidential intelligence report produced by the Slovak Intelligence Agency. The director of the Slovak Intelligence Agency, Pavol Gašpar, is the son of current Smer party MP Tibor Gašpar. The report contains an email sent by the regional initiative “Not in Our Town”—a group that works against radicalisation and hate – containing a list of ideas and suggestions to mobilise that was created through ChatGPT and was shared with other NGOs across the country.

In addition to these claims, the Interior Minister stated that several cases were being prosecuted in connection with the alleged coup plot but no evidence of this could be found. As of 8th April 2025, a representative of “Not in Our Town” confirmed that no one had been contacted by the police so far.

The association ‘Peace for Ukraine’, created after the invasion of Ukraine, started to organize rallies in Bratislava which then spread to other cities. Opposition parties criticising the Prime Minister’s attitude also called for demonstrations.

On 10th January, ACLED recorded rallies in Banská Bystrica, Žilina, Trenčín, Spišská Nová Ves, Prešov, Poprad, Košice, Dolný Kubín, Bratislava and Bardejov, denouncing the violations of democratic principles in the country and asserting support for Ukraine. On 24th January 2025, according to data collected by ACLED, almost 100,000 people rallied across the country against the Prime minister’s pro-Russia and anti-EU stances and called for his resignation. On 7th February 2025, there were protests in 41 locations in Slovakia, with over 42,000 protesters gathering in Bratislava.

In addition to street protests, various sectors of society have signed open letters addressed to the government and Fico himself: Hundreds of psychologists and psychiatrists signed an open letter accusing the Prime Minister of being authoritarian, manipulating facts and lying. Other letters were signed by thousands of teachers, students, scientists, employers and religious organisations. More than 400 Slovak NGOs and civic associations criticised the Prime Minister’s approach to governance, direction on foreign policy, and attacks on their sector. According to them, the government’s actions “undermine open governance, transparency, free access to information, and citizen participation in lawmaking”.

On 9th May 2025, Prime Minister Fico attended the Victory Day parade in Moscow despite the population and the European Union's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy calls not to do so. Once more, thousands of protesters gathered in Bratislava to express their opposition to this visit.

Constitutional Court to Assess Lex Assassination Law

In February 2025, it was announced that the Constitutional Court will assess the constitutionality of what has been dubbed the ‘Assassination Law' passed by Parliament on 27th June 2024, after a group of opposition MPs from the Progressive Slovakia (PS) party challenged it. Key measures of this legislation were changes made to the Assembly Law, introducing new restrictions to the right of peaceful assembly. This new legislation allows municipalities to ban a protest if they cannot prevent potential clashing of two simultaneous demonstrations (CHECK LINK) or when the protests are to take place close to residences of individuals related to the gathering's purpose. They argue that the legislation was adopted after a fast-tracked procedure and that it restricts the right to assemble and interferes with freedom of expression

ASSOCIATION

New regulations imposed on NGOs despite criticism

On 16th April 2025, Slovakia’s parliament passed a new law, in a fast-track process and with the bare minimum majority, imposing strict reporting obligations on non-governmental organisations (NGOs), despite criticism. The law requires NGOs to disclose their funding sources and the names of major contributors, and introduces fines and potential dissolution for those who fail to comply. The law has been dubbed as “Russian-esque” by CSOs such as Via Iuris or Peace for Ukraine.

The law stems from proposed amendments to civil society organisations framework laws, made in March 2024 by a group of MPs without any prior ex-ante/risk assessment and proper public consultation. Under the proposed amendments, CSOs receiving more than 5000 EUR from abroad annually would need to label themselves as ‘organisations with foreign support’ and would need to disclose the identity and nationality of all donors . Other concerning provisions include the absence of anonymity for donors or the possibility for the Ministry of the Interior to fine and dissolve NGOs without judicial process if they fail to comply with reporting and labelling obligations.

On 30th April 2024, despite the heavy criticism of opposition parties, as well as domestic and international human rights and press freedom advocates, Slovakia's parliament approved the bill in first reading.

On 14th May 2024, the Council of Europe called on the parliament to reject the amendment as potentially “incompatible with EU law, including on the ground of unjustified interferences with the right to freedom of association”. In July 2024, the European Commission also warned Slovakia that it would take immediate legal action if the government pushes ahead with the proposed law.

On 31st January 2025, the Expert Council on NGO Law of the Conference of INGOs of the Council of Europe criticized the process of the law’s adoption, the absence of a legitimate aim for the introduction of such amendments, as well as the lack of proportionality stemming from the Ministry of Interior’s “unwarranted discretionary power in the process of supervision of the compliance with the new requirements”.

A revised version of the draft amendments was circulated between two readings for debate in parliamentary committees.

On 3rd April 2025, when the government approved the law, it suggested that NGOs that directly or indirectly influence politicians should be classified as "lobbyists", without clearly defining what constitutes lobbying. This sparked large-scale protests across the country. The next day, on 4th April 2025, more than 8000 people marched through Bratislava chanting “We won’t give up freedom’ and ‘No to the Russian law’. The same day, Michael O’Flaherty, the European Commissioner for Human Rights, sent a letter to Slovak parliamentarians asking them to refrain from adopting the draft law, which fails to meet the requirement of being necessary in a democratic society. The European Center for Not-For-Profit Law exposed in detail why these amendments were concerning and harmful. These labels were ultimately withdrawn in the final version as a concession for the legislation to pass, and due to strong domestic and EU level backlash.

On 16th April 2025, Slovakia’s parliament passed the new law, with the bare minimum majority of 76 MPs. The NGO ARTICLE 19 wrote to the President to urge him not sign the Amendment to the Law on non-profit organisations. But on 7th May 2025, the law was signed by the President and will take effect on 1st June 2025.

The law requires all NGOs to submit annual “transparency statements” that include detailed financial disclosures. The law also mandates that NGOs publicly disclose the names of any donors who contribute more than €5,000—a provision critics say violates donor privacy. In addition, NGOs must list the names and roles of all members of their governing bodies. If an NGO receives more than €3,300 in public funding in a single transaction, or over €10,000 in total, it must comply with Slovakia’s Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). However, the legislation lacks a clear definition of what qualifies as public funding and does not specify how NGOs that do not receive public funds should respond to FOI requests.

The law also establishes unclear oversight mechanisms. Registry authorities are granted the power to request “additional information” to validate transparency reports, though the law does not clarify what such requests may involve. These authorities are also authorised to impose fines on organisations that do not fulfill these broadly defined requirements. These fines can escalate to €10,000 for non-compliance.

Several opposition figures and legal experts announced they will challenge the law before the Constitutional Court.

Petition demands end of subsidies for NGOs

On 27th January 2025, a petition was published, demanding the end of subsidies for NGOs and investigations into their activites, especially “Peace for Ukraine”. It was written in the context of large and repetitive protests occuring throughout the country and petitions addressed to the government. The list of signatories was not made public. The aim of the petition is “to draw the government’s attention to the possible presence of foreign forces on Slovak territory” which would intervene in the internal affairs of the Republic.

Prime Minister complains about grants to NGOs and demands list and purpose of grants to all ministries

On 10th February 2025, Prime Minister Fico congratulated Elon Musk on his apppointment and his decisions to freeze USAID funds. According to the Prime Minister “It is indisputable that financial resources from USAID were used in Slovakia for political purposes, with the aim of distorting the political system and favouring certain political parties”.

In February 2025, despite publicly available records showing otherwise, Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok also suggested that NGOs like the Denník N daily, the Open Society Foundations, and Transparency International were funded by USAID.

On 24th February 2025, Prime Minister Fico asked ministries to provide a list of grants and subsidies given to NGOs during the current government’s term, asking for details on the recipient organisations, the amount of financial support provided, and the purpose of these contributions. The letter was shared on a Facebook post by Slovakia’s opposition party leader Michal Šimečka (Progressive Slovakia) who has criticised the move.

EXPRESSION

Increasingly hostile environment for journalists observed on the 7th anniversary of unresolved murder of Ján Kuciak

On 21st February 2025, Media Freedom Rapid Response issued a report on the state of media freedom in Slovakia. The International Press Institute (IPI), ARTICLE 19 Europe, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and the European Center for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF) led a fact-finding mission to Slovakia in November 2024.

The key findings are concerning: According to the report, the environment for freedom of expression, media pluralism and independent journalism since the new Government was formed in 2023 has become increasingly hostile. Journalists face legal harassment, intimidation and smear campaigns. This is further exacerbated by the government's open disdain for independent media, coupled with its promotion of outlets known for spreading disinformation.

The report also notes the continued failure to fully resolve the murders of investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kušnírová, fostering impunity for violence against journalists. The instigator of Jan Kuciak’s murder in 2018 has yet to be convicted.

On 21st February 2025, people gathered for rallies in 40 locations across the country commemorating the 7th anniversary of the politically motivated murder of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová and demanding proper investigation and punishment of perpetrators.

On 20th May 2025, the Supreme Court overruled, behind closed doors, the 2023 Specialised Criminal Court’s acquittal of convicted fraudster Marian Kočner, the main suspect in the murder of Kuciak and Kušnírová, for error in the judgment. It is the second time that the acquittal has been cancelled. The case will return to the Specialised Criminal Court.

Prime Minister discredits and insults journalists

On 17th March 2025, Prime Minister Robert Fico published a blog post in which he discredited and insulted Denník N journalist Monika Tódová, along with several other journalists (Marek Vagovič, Martin Milan Šimečka, Peter Bárdy, and Marián Leško). Earlier that day, Tódová had released her regular 'Corruption Newsfilter' column on Denník N, highlighting that Fico’s legal income appeared insufficient to afford a villa in Croatia. She also detailed a number of questionable property transactions allegedly linked to the Prime Minister over the years. The week before, Croatian tabloids had circulated unverified reports claiming Fico owned a villa in the country.

Radio host dismissed in alleged retaliation

On 3rd February 2025, journalist Boris Kršňák, who worked for the Slovak Radio for almost thirty years and served as the Prague correspondent for STVR, was dismissed with immediate effect and without an explanation. According to Kršňák, no complaints about his work were made prior to the dismissal. The dismissal comes after a petition was signed by Kršňák and other journalists against an STVR programme in which Prime Minister Robert Fico was interviewed alone, without an opponent, and was allegedly not confronted sufficiently by the host. According to critics, the management of STVR disliked the petition. Also, a month earlier, on 10th January 2025, Kršňák published a critical social media post related to the protests against the Slovak government.

Punitive measures against journalist critical of lack of independence within his media

On 7th November 2024, TV Markíza presenter and union chairperson Viktor Vincze faced retaliation from the channel’s management due to his union activities and criticism of the alleged editorial interference by the management. On 11th June 2024 Vincze gave an interview to the media Denník N and mentioned interference by the head of TV Markíza's news department in the work of journalists. Vincze's salary was reduced indefinitely and he was banned from appearing on private broadcasts.

Regional outlet threatened

On 25th November 2024, the editor-in-chief of regional media outlet Parameter.sk reported that an unknown man had threatened to set fire to the newsroom in connection with a recently published article. The Safe Journalism platform immediately contacted the police and alerted other media organisations that were targeted by the threats. Police detained a suspect within a few hours. A 33-year-old man was charged with extortion on 28th November 2025. However, the pre-trial judge of the Galanta District Court did not remand the accused into custody and released him from detention under probation.

Court issues injunction against daily newspaper over references to Daniel Bombic

According to Media Freedom Mapping, on 2nd December 2024, “the Bratislava IV District Court issued a preliminary injunction prohibiting the media Denník N from referring to Daniel Bombic, also known online as Danny Kollár, as an extremist, neo-Nazi, or antisemite – at least for the time being”. In her ruling, Judge Viera Hadrbulcová ordered that Denník N refrain from publishing and spreading claims that Bombic is a neo-Nazi until the criminal proceedings against Bombic are lawfully concluded. The same restriction applies to the terms “extremist” and “antisemite.”

Bombic is accused of “expressing sympathy for a movement aimed at suppressing fundamental rights and freedoms, disseminating extremist material, incitement, incitement to national, racial and ethnic hatred, dangerous electronic harassment and unauthorized handling of personal data”. He operates Slovakia’s most popular Telegram channel, Danny Kollár DKX. An analysis by the Investigative Center of Ján Kuciak (ICJK) reveals that Bombic frequently engages in hate speech and dehumanising rhetoric, targeting individuals based on their ethnicity and sexual orientation, and attacking journalists. On 5th December 2024, he verbally attacked Laura Kellö Kalinská, a journalist from Aktuality.sk, on his Telegram channel.

Lukáš Fila, Director of Denník N’s publishing house, stated: “When deciding on the injunction, the court did not contact Denník N, and we therefore had no opportunity to respond to Daniel Bombic’s claims or present our legal arguments. We consider this ruling to be a serious infringement on freedom of speech and will file an appeal as soon as possible”. The European Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists recommended to quash the preliminary injunction and drop the lawsuit againt Denník N.

Bombic is represented in court by David Lindtner from the law firm of the Defence Minister Robert Kaliňák. The lawyer is also an adviser to Prime Minister Robert Fico.

On 29th January 2025, the Specialised Criminal Court ruled that Bombic would be prosecuted at large, without an electronic bracelet or any restrictions. On 7th February 2025, the Supreme Court overturned part of the ruling, deciding that an electronic bracelet would monitor him, and banning him from publishing or sharing hate speech content on social media. On 29th April 2025, the Supreme Court declared that Bombic had breached the conditions imposed in his Facebook posts and ordered his detention.

Dismantling of support to artistic freedom

In April 2025, a report issued by the Artistic Freedom Initiative (composed of attorneys) and the grassroot civic initiative Open Culture! provided a detailed account of the transformation of the Slovakian cultural sector since the 2023 coalition. It denounces the government’s efforts to control artistic expression and reshape cultural institutions to align with nationalist and conservative ideologies. The authors make parallels with the policies of the previous ruling party in Poland, Law and Justice (PiS), and the FIDESZ party in Hungary.

In 2024, a new law increased the number of Board members of the Slovak Arts Council from nine to thirteen and allowed the direct appointment of eight members instead of four to the Ministry of Culture. In August 2024, three Board members were replaced with appointees perceived to be aligned with the Ministry. These new individials then blocked the extension of the mandates of members of expert commissions. This left commissions without the quorum to allocate funds in 2025. In the same line, as announced in 2024, the Minister of Culture refused to fund any activity by LGBTI+ organisations in 2025.

On 26th November 2024, Jaroslav Niňaj was appointed as the acting director of the SNG, the National Gallery. He was the third person appointed to this position within six months. Like his two predecessors, he is criticised for not having experience in the field of visual arts or the management of a cultural institution. On 15th April 2025, after a contentious process, Juraj Králik was appointed. Some of his statements caused concern among artists currently represented in SNG’s collections, as he described some artworks as of “poor quality”.

On 8th January 2025, the director of the Slovak Literary Centre was dismissed by the Ministry and replaced by Gustav Murín, a controversial writer with few qualifications in the management of cultural institutions, raising further concerns about the government’s priorities. After a speech at the World Book Fair in Prague in May 2025 that caused outrage, Slovak Literary Centre staff and hundred of signatories sent a letter to the minister and the President asking for Murin’s removal. On 22nd May 2025, Murin was dismissed and replaced by Branislav Balogh. These successive leadership changes further eroded the confidence of employees.

In February 2024, a civic platform called Open Culture! was created, connecting actors from various fields of arts and culture from all over Slovakia and demanding an improvement in their conditions. This coordinated movement remains active as the sector undergoes these challenges: on 14th December 2024, artists demanded the resignation of Culture Minister Martina Simkovicova and her general secretary, Lubomir Machala for the “senseless personnel purges, disproportionate interference in the running of cultural institutions, incompetent appointments and non-transparent selection procedures”. As many members of this movement are freelancers, they explored alternative forms of collective resistance than the strike: artists participate in protests, organise performances or publish statements. In December 2024, during the opening of an exhibition at the Slovak National Gallery, people turned their backs on the temporarily appointed director Jaroslav Niňaj while he spoke. Afterwards, four SNG employees were given “warnings for breach of work discipline”.

From 12th March 2025 to 8th April 2025, daily protests were held in front of the Ministry of Culture, under the slogan ‘Art Will Not Be Silenced’.

LGBTQI+

Constitutional amendment proposals that further curb LGBTQI+ rights

On 27th January 2025, Prime Minister Robert Fico announced plans to amend Slovakia’s Constitution. He suggests defining gender strictly as male and female, limiting adoption to married couples, and challenging the primacy of EU law. During his previous term in office, in 2014, the Constitution was amended to define marriage as an “exclusive union between a man and a woman”. A year later, he organised a referendum supposed to strenghten this same-sex marriage ban but it failed for lack of sufficient participation.

The battery of proposed constitutional amendments would impact LGBTQI+ people as well as access to reproductive health and sex education: gender reassignment would only be possible for compelling reasons established by law and the refusal to provide abortion care on the grounds of conscience would be enshrined in the Constitution. On sex education, schools would only be allowed to teach what is in line with the Constitution and its values, and parental approval would be mandated for sex education.

Some provisions underwent a change during parliamentary discussions, but the remarks made by the CSO Inakost Initiative, underlining the contradiction of the amendments with the principle of equality and non-discrimination, were not accepted. On 9th April 2025, MPs advanced the draft constitutional law to its second reading. Analysts doubt the changes will pass, as a three-fifths qualified majority of legislators is needed.