Uzbekistan: Pressure on bloggers and journalists continues, including on Karakalpak activists

Introduction

This update, prepared for the CIVICUS Monitor by International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), provides an overview of key developments affecting freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly in Uzbekistan from 1st July 2023 to 30th September 2024.

In the reporting period the authorities took some limited and much publicised steps to address human rights concerns, for example the early release of blogger Otabek Sattoriy in February 2024, but civic freedoms remain severely restricted and human rights defenders, independent journalists and bloggers and others who voice criticism of the government continue to be at risk of imprisonment and other reprisals. In the aftermath of the 2022 Karakalpakstan events, the authorities have failed to ensure accountability for serious human rights violations.

This assessment was also shared by international organisations: In June 2023, the EU Sub-Committee on Justice and Home Affairs, Human Rights and related issues voiced concerns over the “growing governmental control of NGOs” that receive foreign funding and highlighted various instances of harassment or detention involving journalists, bloggers and activists. On 2nd October 2023, the European Parliament passed a resolution on Uzbekistan, expressing “deep concern over Uzbekistan’s poor record on democracy, media freedom, human rights and the rule of law,” regretting “that opposition parties are practically not allowed to function inside the country” and worrying about constitutional provisions that enable the president to extend his term in office. The resolution called for an “independent, impartial, and effective investigation” into the July 2022 Karakalpakstan events.

Referendum and snap presidential elections

In April 2023, Uzbekistan conducted a national referendum that introduced a new constitution, enabling President Mirziyoyev to seek two additional seven-year terms in office. The referendum was observed by an OSCE/ODIHR observation mission which stated that the “process lacked genuine political pluralism”, and that “the lower-level commissions lacked neutrality and independence.” In July 2023 President Mirziyoyev was re-elected in snap elections criticised by OSCE/ODIHR election observers, whose report states, inter alia, that “the low-key campaign lacked meaningful engagement with voters, and candidates did not voice alternative political views,” and that “serious irregularities” were observed on election day during voting, counting and tabulation”.

Freedom of peaceful assembly

Public assemblies in Uzbekistan remain uncommon, as punishments and risks for protesters are high. However, despite the risks of detention and fines, in the last two years several protests took place in relation to illegal demolitions of private housing, and disruption to energy supplies.

The events in Nukus in July 2022 in Karakalpakstan (see below) led to large public protests, but prior to this mass protests had not taken place in Uzbekistan for a long time, reflecting the restrictive environment for the exercise of the freedoms of peaceful assembly and expression in the country.

Citizens joining forces to peacefully challenge government actions on issues of public interest have faced intimidation and harassment. These are recent examples of such measures targeting citizens seeking to protect public parks:

In April 2024, a Telegram channel called “Dustlik Bog’i - Dialogue with the Public” published a message from the director of the Dustlik Bog’i (or Bobur Park) saying “I set up this channel to be closer to everyone. We are waiting for your suggestions about how to develop our park. Thank you all. Please join us.” Soon, an active group of over 100 Tashkent residents joined, all saying that they needed a “quiet and peaceful park” without commercial attractions.

In early June 2024, a citizen initiative group filed a lawsuit with the Tashkent Interdistrict Court for Administrative Cases demanding the cancellation of the local government decision to lease the park privately for 49 years. This decision was based on a Cabinet of Ministers’ resolution on the transfer of parks to private individuals. The plaintiffs fear that documents related to the lease, which are not publicly available, may “contain information that violates the rights and interests of residents.” There is currently no public access to decisions of the local authorities relating to leasing of parks, or other related official resolutions.

In July, civil activists pushing for the annulment of the decision to lease Bobur Park privately were repeatedly detained and intimidated in order to force them to drop their claim.

On 26th July 2024, the court denied the plaintiffs’ claim, justifying its decision by saying that the Cabinet of Ministers’ resolution and the khokimiyat’s (local government administration) decision was adopted on the basis of laws, and the investor’s project had taken into account all important aspects related to preserving trees and sites of cultural heritage. The residents intend to appeal the decision of the first instance.

On 16th September 2024, the Facebook group “FERMER.UZ”, published a message saying that cotton pickers in the Angorsky district of Surkhandarya region were on strike in protest at difficult working conditions and low wages.

Aftermath of the July 2022 Karakalpakstan events

The Uzbekistani authorities have yet to allow an independent investigation into the July 2022 events in Karakalpakstan in western Uzbekistan, when mass protests broke out against proposed constitutional amendments which would have deprived the republic of its current constitutionally protected status and its right to secede from Uzbekistan. There are credible reports that authorities used excessive force, arbitrary detentions, torture and ill-treatment when putting down the protests. According to official figures, at least 21 people died and 270 required medical assistance (see previous CIVICUS monitor update). However, the exact number of those killed or injured remains unknown as official sources have subsequently published differing figures and there are credible reports from some sources indicating that several victims have not been included in official statistics. The authorities have not yet provided comprehensive information about the circumstances of their deaths.

To date, any investigative efforts undertaken into the Karakalpakstan events have been shrouded in secrecy and no one is known to have been held accountable for the killings or violations of the rights of protesters, although a few law enforcement officials reportedly were charged with wrongdoing. At the same time, the authorities have depicted the events as an attempt to seize power in Karakalpakstan, and accused protesters of seeking to storm government buildings. They imposed a month-long state of emergency in the Republic and suspended internet access, thereby restricting access to information and the ability to participate in online discussions about the constitutional amendments that were taking place in other parts of the country.

Over 500 people were detained in connection with the protests, during which there were numerous credible reports of the excessive use of force, arbitrary detentions and torture and ill-treatment of detainees by authorities. On 15th July 2022, the Parliament of Uzbekistan established a Commission to investigate the protests in the Republic of Karakalpakstan, headed by the Human Rights Commissioner, Feruza Eshmatova. The commission includes former political prisoner Azam Farmonov, human rights activist Gulnoz Mamarasulova, and members of parliament Bobur Bekmurodov and Alisher Kodirov. However, at the time of writing, the commission has not yet presented its findings to the public and has not responded to written requests from human rights organisations. Thus, there remains a need for an impartial and thorough investigation into the allegations of human rights violations related to the mass protests, the conclusions of which should be made public and which should lead to accountability and redress.

While many detainees were released after being subjected to administrative penalties, several dozen faced criminal charges for allegedly committing anti-constitutional crimes. Among those detained and charged are well-known journalists, bloggers and activists from the region, who publicly criticised the proposed constitutional amendments and are accused of playing leading roles in the protests.

The first trial against 22 defendants opened in the Criminal Court of Bukhara Region on 28th November 2022, hundreds of kilometres away from Karakalpakstan, and failed to meet international fair trial standards. While the first hearing was publicly accessible through a live broadcast, the broadcast ceased on 5th December at the request of the prosecution, a few days after lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov spoke in court - maintaining his innocence and saying he had been tortured. The allegations of torture were not referred for independent investigation. Civil society sources reported that other defendants were also tortured but did not speak out in court for fear of reprisals.

Along with journalist Lalagul Kallykhanova, Tazhimuratov was charged with encroaching on the constitutional order and other serious crimes related to allegedly playing leading roles in the protests. On 31st January 2023, he was sentenced to 16 years in prison; Kallykhanova was given a suspended seven-year sentence with three years’ probation. More than a dozen of Tazhimuratov’s co-defendants were sentenced to prison terms of up to eight years. Tazhimuratov vehemently denied all charges, while Kallykhanova confessed to wrongdoing and expressed remorse, raising concerns that she might have been pressured to do so in exchange for a lighter sentence, although she subsequently made a statement saying that her sentence was “deserved”.

An appeal trial started in the case of Tazhimuratov and co-defendants at the Supreme Court in early May 2023. On 1st June 2023, the Supreme Court ruled to leave Tazhimuratov’s 16 year sentence unchanged. Meanwhile, the court ruled to reduce the sentences of six of his co-defendants, and to suspend the prison terms of eight others (Bakhtiyar Kadirbergenov, Bayram Seitniyazov, Saidabulla Medetov, Kaharman Seitimov, Polat Nurniyazov, Saiypnazar Kalimov, Nurlan Sultanmuratov and Arsylanbek Temirkhanov), allowing them to be released from detention.

The terms of imprisonment of Nurlan Nayipov, Razbek Bekmuratov, Sultanbek Kaipov, Allabay Tokimbetov and Amirbek Adilbekov were reduced. The court refused to satisfy the prosecutor’s request to change the sentences of restriction of liberty to prison terms in relation to Lolagul Kallykhanova, Azamat Turdanov, Akhmet Smetullaev and Azamat Nuratdinov.

In December 2023, after visiting Tazhimuratov in the Nuvoy prison where he is held, his lawyer made a public appeal to the international community relating to concerns about his poor detention conditions and ill-treatment, such as being denied medical aid and kept in isolation. On 23rd July 2024 the Supreme Court rejected Tazhimuratov’s revision appeal, upholding its decision for him to serve 16 years in a maximum-security prison. On 7th August, 2024, the online journal “Current Time” reported that Tazhimuratov’s health was rapidly deteriorating due to forced labour in a lime factory without protective clothing. This was reported by Tazhimuratov’s mother after meeting her son in prison.

On 17th March 2023, Bukhara Regional Court sentenced a second group of 39 defendants to lengthy prison terms related to the Karakalpakstan events following a trial that did not meet international fair trial standards and that was marred by allegations of torture. They were charged with offences including vandalism, rioting and disseminating materials posing a threat to public order. Twenty-eight of them were sentenced to prison terms of between five and eleven years. Eleven were given restricted freedom sentences. According to civil society sources, only three defendants were represented by a lawyer of their own choice. Independent human rights defenders living in Uzbekistan participated in the trial. In their opinion, pressure was exerted on the defendants and their relatives during the trial. According to civil society observers, four defendants had cuts on their hands that appeared to originate either from suicide attempts or torture. The defendants in both trials as well as their relatives were required to sign non-disclosure agreements, forbidding them from discussing their cases with human rights and international organisations.

According to online journal Asia Terra, Saadatdin Reimov, who is serving a four year sentence under Article 159 (1) for alleged involvement in activities against the state in prison number 34, “Manzil” in Kamashi district, Kashkadarya region, Uzbekistan, recently suffered a heart attack in prison but has been denied adequate medical treatment and hospitalisation.

Transnational repression against Karakalpak activists abroad

The Uzbekistani authorities are also persecuting activists in the diaspora, particularly in Kazakhstan, where many Karakalpaks live. For example, the well-known Karakalpak activist Akylbeq Muratov (also known as Muratbai), an Uzbek citizen who has lived in Kazakhstan for over 10 years, was detained on 15th February 2024 at his home in Almaty. Reportedly, Uzbekistan has issued an extradition request to the Kazakhstani authorities, and brought charges against Muratbai for, inter alia, “publicly calling for mass riots” under article 244, part 2b of the Uzbek Criminal Code and “preparing, storing, circulating, or demonstrating materials containing a threat to public security or public order” under article 244-1, 3g. Human rights activists highlight that the accusations against him are fabricated and aimed at silencing him. Muratbai had regularly criticised the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators in Nukus on social media and YouTube.

On 20th March 2024, a court in Almaty extended his detention until mid-February 2025.

On 12th September 2024, the Kazakhstani Refugee Commission discussed Akylbek Muratbai’s application for refugee status. He was not allowed to participate in person in the Commission meeting, and attended via video link, although the quality of Internet connection in the pre-trial detention centre was poor. In his statement to the Commission, Muratbai asked: “Since when does the internal policy of an independent country (Kazakhstan) in matters of humanitarian protection depend on the position of the leadership of another such state (Uzbekistan)? What is the point of a New Kazakhstan if its decisions are influenced by the policy of the old Uzbekistan with its repressions and genocide of Karakalpaks?” On 13th September, the Commission refused to grant Muratbai asylum in Kazakhstan. Under new rules, his protection from extradition was immediately suspended, putting him at direct risk of deportation to Uzbekistan. Muratbai's lawyer plans to appeal the Commission's decision.

On 22nd February 2024, the Supreme Court reportedly issued a decision banning the political opposition movement Alga Karakalpakstan as ‘’extremist’’. However, that court decision was not made public; human rights defenders only learned about it from a ruling issued in the case of a Karakalpak activist in May 2024. Moreover, according to AHRCA’s information, the movement was in fact banned much earlier, or already in 2015.

The leader of Alga Karakalpakstan, Aman Sagdullaev, who lives in Norway, was sentenced in absentia on 10th May 2023 to 18 years in prison for public insult or slander against the President of Uzbekistan (Article 158 part 3); publicly calling for overthrow of the constitutional order of Uzbekistan (Article 159); organisation of mass riots (Article 244) ; producing and disseminating materials containing a threat to public order (Article 244-1). Access to his website and internet channels was blocked by Uzbekistan.

Also convicted in absentia was Niyetbay Urazbayev, chairman of the Karakalpak ethno-cultural association Allayar Zholy in Mangistau region, who lived in Kazakhstan. He was convicted in absentia of conspiracy to overthrow the constitutional order of Uzbekistan), organisation of mass unrest and participating in riots and producing and disseminating materials containing a threat to public order. He was sentenced to 12 years of imprisonment. On 9th January 2024, Niyetbay Urazbayev died of a heart attack in Almaty. He had been living in Aktau, Kazakhstan, for many years.

On 3rd April, 2024, another Karakalpak activist, Rinat Utambetov, was arrested in Almaty, reportedly at the request of the Uzbekistani authorities, who had allegedly initiated a criminal case against him on charges of encroachment on the constitutional system of Uzbekistan (Article 159 of the Uzbek Criminal Code), as reported by Vitaly Ponomarev, Director of the Central Asia Program of the Memorial Human Rights Center.

Freedom of expression

Independent journalists, bloggers and others who voice criticism of the government continue to be at risk of imprisonment and other reprisals. This worsening trend is also reflected in international human rights rankings: Uzbekistan slipped from 137th to 148th place (out of 180 countries) in the annual Reporters without Borders (RSF) media freedom index. RSF criticised the “slow death of journalism in Karakalpakstan” and stated that the violently repressed protests “remain such a taboo topic that journalists who recall the facts today are arrested, imprisoned and falsely accused of separatism”. A new draft information code, introduced in December 2022, which aims to regulate laws on the media, access to information and on protecting children from harmful information, introduced new provisions threatening freedom of expression. The latter include provisions regulating and limiting information published during investigations and trials and information that is “insulting” or “shows disrespect for society, the state, state symbols, including obscenities”, as well as provisions against “promoting” same-sex relations. The new code was strongly condemned by the EU parliament in a July 2023 resolution, which stated that “if adopted, [it] poses a serious threat to freedom of expression and human rights in the country”. An OSCE/ODIHR legal review from July 2024 stated that “the law risks concentrating media regulation under the government rather than an independent regulatory body” and that “it contains overly broad grounds for restricting content and suspending or terminating media activities, which could make it difficult for journalists to carry out their work”. At the time of writing, the draft information code is still under consideration.

The following defamation case gave rise to free speech concerns:

In July 2024, Shaykhantakhur Interdistrict Civil Court of Tashkent ordered the Prague-based Uzbek service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), Radio Ozodlik and its correspondent Lazizkhon Omilov (known under the pseudonym Aziz Nur) to pay 100 million soms (approximately 7,800 EUR) and publish a refutation of an investigation into the operations of the Ultimo Group Limited company. This company, which is engaged in the wholesale sale of natural gas, and its founder Tukhfatkhuzha Anvarkhuzhaev claimed that the Radio Ozodi reports published in April 2024 damaged the Ultimo Group’s reputation.

The court hearing was held without the presence of the defendants: although the plaintiff's lawyer claimed that he had repeatedly notified Lazizhon Omilov and Radio Ozodlik about the trial, calling their office in Prague and asking them to take part. The judge said that a copy of the claim and summons was sent to Ozodlik by email.

Radio Ozodlik explained: “In Uzbekistan, we do not have equality of the parties, since no one has even notified us, and we will not evade responsibility if this lawsuit is considered in the United States.” After this decision, the investigators of Radio Ozodlik have already released two new reports on this issue.

Bloggers and journalists targeted

In the reporting period an increasing number of bloggers and social media commentators were tried on criminal charges of “publicly insulting or slandering the president” (Article 158, part 3 of the Criminal Code), “defamation” (Art. 139), “insult” (Art. 140) and “dissemination of false or prohibited information” (Art. 244-6).

On 8th July 2024, IPHR and AHRCA published a report on the persecution of bloggers, highlighting an intensified crackdown on critical bloggers and social media commentators in Uzbekistan since 2021. The monitoring and analysis shows that this development contradicts President Mirziyoyev’s political modernisation programme and the country’s international obligations concerning freedom of expression. It examines Uzbekistan’s criminal defamation laws and documents cases of bloggers and social media commentators facing prosecution, forced psychiatric confinement, and other pressures from security services due to legitimate free speech.

The ongoing arrests and persecution of bloggers and social media commentators and their relatives serve as a clear warning to others about what could happen to them if they do not toe the government line. On 30th March 2023, over 40 journalists, bloggers and activists published an open letter to President Mirziyoyev expressing concern about “hidden but strict censorship” and stating that “editorial offices, journalists, bloggers, people who express any opinion in society, still face serious obstacles, pressure and intimidation.” The state-backed Union of Journalists rejected the criticism, claiming that “nobody, not a single state organisation ever tells the media: ‘Don't write this, write that.” Many media outlets, bloggers and social media commentators exercise self-censorship in order to avoid reprisals.

Several bloggers who were convicted on criminal charges initiated in apparent retaliation for their posts on issues considered sensitive by the authorities are currently serving imprisonment or are subjected to other limitations of liberty.

For example, in 2021, blogger Otabek Sattoriy (see previous Civicus entry) was sentenced to six and a half years’ imprisonment on trumped-up charges of libel and extortion, in retaliation for his criticism of corruption by local officials. In an Opinion published in February 2023, the United Nations (UN) Working Group on Arbitrary Detention called on Uzbekistan to “release Mr. Sattoriy immediately and accord him an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations”. In April 2023, the blogger was denied a transfer to a penal settlement close to his home and with less harsh prison conditions, after being found guilty of violating prison rules, charges that are believed to be politically motivated and part of a campaign of pressure against the blogger and his family. Following IPHR’s and AHRCA’s public statement on his transfer denial, Sattoriy was reportedly put under pressure by officials, including a lawyer from the Ombudsman’s Office, to refuse support from international human rights organisations, and the services of his defence lawyer. The blogger’s relatives were also allegedly put under pressure. In December 2023, Sattoriy was transferred from a general regime colony to a settlement colony and was granted early release on 5th February 2024. The Karshi District Court, Kashkadarya region, ruled that the remainder of his sentence be replaced by an obligation to pay 20 per cent of his income to the State Treasury.

Blogger Miraziz Bazarov was charged with slander and sentenced to three years’ restriction of liberty in 2022, which included a prohibition on leaving his house between 8pm and the early morning and on using the internet. (see previous CIVICUS Monitor update). The court punished him for his social media posts about the government’s use of COVID-19 related loans and alleged double standards amongst officials in relation to LGBTQI+ people.

While under house arrest, the authorities continued to closely monitor Bazarov’s activities and harassed him on several occasions. On 19th May 2023, over two years after he was initially placed under house arrest, some people in civilian clothes approached Bazarov as he was taking out rubbish from his house in the evening, grabbed him, and tried to push him into their car, while another car was waiting nearby. Three more men in civilian clothes prevented neighbours from rushing to Bazarov’s aid. As Bazarov did not know who the people who grabbed him were, he resisted being put into the car, and in the struggle lost both his shoes and glasses. Eventually, a local police officer clarified that the men were police officers from Tashkent police. He was taken to the police station, but his family was not notified of his whereabouts for several hours. While held at the police station, officers reportedly beat him, stood on his injured leg, and one in particular threatened to cut his throat and pinched his waist with a carpenter's tool. AHRCA and IPHR have seen photo evidence of the injuries. The next day, Bazarov’s lawyer filed a complaint about the alleged ill-treatment. The authorities replied that all steps taken were lawful and part of a preventive conversation. On 1st July 2024, Bazarov’s term of restricted liberty ended. According to civil society sources, he has resolved not to resume his activities as a blogger in order to avoid further persecution.

In February 2023, blogger Abdukadyr Muminov - author of a Youtube channel "Ko'zgu" with 250,000 subscribers - was detained on charges of blackmail and extortion. His supporters allege that he was targeted because of his public criticism of the authorities. Muminov’s family was not allowed to visit him in the first weeks of his detention and he was reportedly not given permission to choose his own lawyer for several weeks. During the investigation period, the police investigator in charge of the case stated publicly that the blogger would be imprisoned, which grossly violated the principle of presumption of innocence.

On 4th August 2023, the criminal court of the Mirabad district of Tashkent found him guilty of violation of privacy, extortion, fraud, violation of trade rules and complicity in bribery and sentenced him to seven years and three months’ imprisonment, with a ban on engaging in journalistic activities for three years. On 6th October, Tashkent City Court upheld the sentence against him. During the hearing he addressed President Mirziyoyev about the torture and ill-treatment he claims he was subjected to: “Hello, honourable President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Starting from 22:00 on 7th February 2023 until today (I wrote this statement on 10th September), I was subjected to cruel torture, both moral and physical: electric current was applied to me, my genitals were kicked and crushed, I was kicked in a way that not even an animal is kicked, my legs were beaten with a special baton, I was kicked and beaten almost all over my body, my left rib was broken. I don't even know whether to laugh or cry at the current situation of some immoral, ill-mannered and cruel people in the Tashkent Main Department of Internal Affairs, the Interior Ministry and the Mirabad District Criminal Court, who subjected me to the cruellest torture". According to media reports, on 9th October 2023, he was placed in a punishment cell for ten days after allegedly "violating the internal rules of the correctional facility", detention centre No. 1 (known as Tashturma). Many civil society activists believe that this was in retaliation for a video from the hearing posted on social networks on 8th October, in which Muminov states that he was tortured during the investigation. In October 2023, the press service of the Supreme Court stated that the court of appeal had ruled to leave the verdict unchanged.

Muminov's case caused a public outcry and he was supported by several well-known bloggers living in exile. One of these bloggers, Zhakhongir Mamatov, reported that during the investigation, Muminov was pressured by a high-ranking official.

In his posts, popular blogger Ulugbek Ashur referred to Mamatov's allegations that he was threatened by the official. As a result, the official in question filed a lawsuit against Ashur and also demanded a public apology from him in exchange for withdrawing the lawsuit. However, while Ashur removed his YouTube channel for security reasons, he refused to apologise and left the matter to the courts to decide. Radio “Ozodlik” covered this case.

Another worrying case is that of 60-year-old blogger Shahida Salomova, who was prosecuted for her critical reporting, convicted and finally forcibly institutionalised in a psychiatric ward: On 17th December 2022, Salomova - who frequently posted criticism of government officials and provided free legal advice to victims of evictions - published a photo of the President and his relatives on her Telegram account, accusing them of corruption and nepotism. On 18th December, she posted a picture of the President’s son-in-law Otabek Umarov with a woman she described as his second (unofficial) wife. Just hours later, police reportedly stormed into her apartment and arrested her. Officially, the arrest was based on a complaint submitted by another blogger in May 2022, who alleged that Salomova had insulted him, but civil society sources believe that the authorities used the complaint as a way to silence her. During the first days of her detention Salomova’s lawyers were not given permission to visit her and she was reportedly given a state-appointed lawyer instead. She was charged with defamation in print and insult under articles 139, part 2 and 140, part 2 of the Criminal Code, respectively, and later with the production and distribution of threatening materials (Article 244-1). On 8th February 2023, Mirabad District Court in Tashkent found her to be of unsound mind and “not guilty” of the charges brought against her. She continued to be held in the investigation-isolation facility of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Mirabad district. On 13th April 2023, Mirabad District Court in Tashkent stated that Salomova had committed socially dangerous acts in relation to the above-mentioned complainants and other individuals and that she had disseminated materials of religious fundamentalist content. Based on this, the court extended her forcible commitment to the psychiatric hospital and she was forcibly confined to the Tashkent Clinical Psychiatric Hospital until early January 2023. Her lawyer was only able to see her once after eight months, and was not allowed to speak to her confidentially. Her relatives are allowed to give her food, and sometimes allowed to visit her. In early January 2024, Mirabad District Court ruled to transfer her to the Republican Psychiatric Hospital of Intensive Observation in Tashkent, which operates under much stricter rules than the one where she was confined before. In this facility Salomova is not permitted any visits and the authors of this report are concerned that she is being administered inappropriate psychotropic medication against her will. Salomova suffers from diabetes, asthma, a chronic lung condition, and a disease affecting brain function. Mirabad District Court based its decision on two forensic psychiatric examinations. However, the conclusions did not contain any evidence to suggest that Salomova presented a serious risk to others or to herself. No evidence was presented in court that Salomova’s posts were aimed at disseminating religious fundamentalist ideas. As Salomova is an atheist, it seems unlikely. In addition, Salomova’s right to defence was violated by the way the examinations were conducted. For example, her lawyer was not informed of the date of the examinations in advance, so he was not able to attend. Also, petitions from her and her lawyer and written statements arguing why the conclusions were faulty were not considered by the court. The authorities have not provided any information about Salomova’s state of health to date.

On 27th May 2023, blogger Elmurod Odilov was detained for filming a meeting between the deputy head of the Yakkabag district, Kashkadarya region, and farmers at a silk cocoon warehouse. According to the Kashkadarya Department of Internal Affairs, Odilov “interfered with the work of farmers and insulted them.” According to non-governmental sources, the blogger was trying to draw attention to the deputy head’s orders to youth leaders to enlist young men for a month's contracted military service, threatening that those who did not do so would be fired. Odilov was reportedly severely beaten by police officials and, according to eyewitnesses, his phone was broken. Based on court sanction, he was arrested for 15 days under Article 183 (“Petty hooliganism”) and Article 198 (“Failure to comply with legal requirements or obstruction of the performance of official duties of a representative of authority”) of the Code of Administrative Responsibility of Uzbekistan.

In another case, Otabek Kadyrov, Rustam Oripov and Mirzakhid Khasanov were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment for “insulting the president” and other charges relating to statements they made online. The authorities arrested Kadyrov on 16th May 2023, and Oripov and Khasanov a few days later. The three men were charged with “publicly insulting or slandering the president” (Art. 158, part 3), “terrorism” (Art. 155), "attacking the constitutional order of the Republic of Uzbekistan" (Art. 159) and "establishment, leadership, participation in religious extremist, separatist, fundamentalist or other prohibited organisations" (Art. 244-2). Kadyrov was additionally charged with “inciting national, racial, ethnic or religious enmity” (Art. 156, part 3, a and e) and “abuse of state symbols” (Art. 215). Two other men who are also linked to the case, Bekzod Allamuradov and Otabek Zokirov, are reportedly “wanted” for “attacking the constitutional order of Uzbekistan” (Art. 159) and are believed to be outside the country. The charges relate to opinions the defendants expressed in a non-public Telegram chatroom. Reportedly, some of the posts from the chatroom were subsequently posted on YouTube and in an open Telegram space without the authors’ knowledge, let alone their permission. The charges against Otabek Kadyrov additionally relate to statements he made on his Facebook page as well as on YouTube, under the alias "Khalid Kadir". During the trial, Karshi City Criminal Court referred to several of Kadyrov’s posts where he commented on the ongoing legal reforms in Uzbekistan, on key political events such as the presidential elections or on amendments to the Constitution of Uzbekistan. For example, in the verdict the judge drew attention to a post by Kadyrov from February 2022, where he stated that “Mirziyoyev's politics are primitive politics [...] Mirziyoyev has no understanding of political science. Uzbekistan will never develop under Mirziyoyev's rule." In another statement issued in February 2022, Kadyrov claimed that “Mirziyoyev is not turning the government into a state based on the rule of law. Therefore, we all need to switch to a parliamentary system. Dear brothers, if we move to the parliamentary system, there will be religious freedoms and the rule of law. We have to set up opposition parties and opposition politicians.”

During the investigation, co-defendants’ posts were sent to experts for a comprehensive political and linguistic examination on 24th January 2023, and additionally examined by the expert commission on information and mass communication on 2nd February 2023. Both sets of experts concluded that the materials did not contain calls for unconstitutional changes of the current state system, the removal of legally elected or appointed representatives of power, or unconstitutional violations of the territorial integrity of Uzbekistan, and that they did not constitute insults to the president. Despite these expert findings, the Karshi Criminal Court sentenced Oripov, Khasanov and Kadyrov to 11, 12 and 13 years’ imprisonment, respectively, on 12th February 2024. In 2023, Kadyrov had also been targeted and temporarily detained in relation to his social media commentaries and interviews on Radio Ozodlik.

On 19th October 2023, Kattakurgan District Court in the Samarkand region sentenced 38-year-old father of two, Bunyodjon Boboniyozov, to over five years in prison for “publicly insulting or slandering the president” (Article 158, part 3 of the Criminal Code) and “attacking the constitutional order of the Republic of Uzbekistan” (Art. 159) . The court cited several social media posts - in one of which Boboniyozov accused President Mirziyoyev of “selling out to Putin”. Forensic experts of the Ministry of Justice reportedly concluded that his posts contained elements of insult and slander. The accusations under Article 159 reportedly referred to Boboniyozov’s alleged membership in the former secular opposition party “Erk”, which was banned in Uzbekistan in 1993.

On 26th October 2023, 19-year-old Dilshod Iskandarov was sentenced to two and a half years in prison for insulting the President and his family in an Instagram post, RFE/RL’s Radio Ozodlik reported. Although the young man deleted the post after friends warned him of the risks, he was still prosecuted. Forensic experts from the Ministry of Justice concluded that the post contained insulting and discrediting content about the president. Iskandarov had reportedly returned from Russia, where he was working, to attend trial at the Kattakurgan District Court in the Samarkand region. During the hearing, he expressed regret for his actions and asked for forgiveness, but the court found him guilty under Article 158, part 3 of the Criminal Code.

On 9th August 2023, the Ministry of Internal Affairs reportedly added blogger Sherali Komilov to the wanted list on charges of “insult” (Article 140, part 3 of the Criminal Code) and “extortion” (Art. 168). He runs a YouTube channel with some 17,000 followers and a Facebook account with some 8,000 followers. He was reportedly arrested on 15th July 2024 by police in Qibray district, Tashkent region, and later transferred to the detention centre No. 1 of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

On 1st December 2023, Fergana District Court sentenced popular blogger Olimjon Khaidarov from Kokand to eight years’ imprisonment under Article 139, parts 2, 3, Article 140, part 3a and Article 165, part 2b. The latter charge punishes large-scale extortion. Khaidarov, who was arrested in late July, has rejected the charges as politically motivated. Human rights defenders believe that he was persecuted because of social media posts criticising regional law enforcement officials. In December 2022, a court in Ferghana had already ordered him to pay a high fine for his critical reporting of the country's energy shortages.

According to media reports, Uzbek blogger Fozilxoja Orifxojaev, who received a seven and a half year prison sentence in January 2022 for a Facebook post, was released from prison in December 2023 after his sentence was changed to a parole-like arrangement. Detained in late 2021, he was first charged with minor hooliganism, but the charges were later escalated to accusations of criticising state-appointed Islamic leaders and inciting religious hatred. Orifxojaev’s defence team alleged that he was tortured by the police while in custody.

Harassment of journalists

The authorities refused journalists from the independent online journal Hook permission to observe the early presidential election on 9th July 2023, without giving any official reason. Civil society activists believe that this was due to the journal’s critical reporting during the constitutional referendum, when Hook wrote about irregularities at polling stations.

According to media sources, prominent ethnic Tajikistani journalist Salim Inomzoda was detained on 13th July 2023 due to a song he shared on social media. Inomzoda has been accused of distributing “materials threatening public safety.” Reportedly, investigators claim the song, which celebrates Uzbekistan's historic cities of Samarkand and Bukhara, known for their larger Tajikistani communities, is “religious in nature and contains separatist elements.” If found guilty, the 58-year-old Inomzoda could face a prison sentence of up to eight years.

On 26th September 2024, following a closed trial, journalist and former press secretary of the Ministry of Employment Mavjuda Mirzaeva was found guilty of charges including paragraphs ‘a’ and ‘c’ of Part 2 of Article 165 (extortion committed repeatedly and by prior conspiracy by a group of persons). She was sentenced to five years of restricted freedom, and has been prohibited from working in the media and engaging in journalism and blogging for a period of three years. Prosecutors had reportedly requested a six-year prison sentence for her - the charges are believed to have been initiated in relation to her outspoken criticism of corruption and disclosure of information of public importance.

Internet restrictions

The practice of internet restrictions, inter alia blocking websites, shutting down portals or applications and disrupting services, continues.

In the reporting period, the state agency in charge of oversight of telecommunications repeatedly restricted access to Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Telegram and other social media and messenger platforms, accusing them of failing to store user data on servers located in Uzbekistan, a requirement introduced under a law adopted in January 2021. This sparked an outcry, resulting in the head of the agency being dismissed (see previous CIVICUS Monitor update) and access to the platforms being restored. However, Twitter, TikTok and some other platforms, to which access had previously been restricted on the same grounds, reportedly remained unavailable.

The authorities also took rigorous action against any reporting on the Nukus events on the anniversary of the unrest. For example, an article criticising the fact that no memorial service was being organised for the many victims disappeared from the website of the online newspaper gazeta.uzb on 2nd July 2023, just one hour after its publication.

Self-censorship after pressure by authorities to delete content

Officials reportedly pressure editors to delete content that they see as too critical of Uzbekistan so as not to harm its international image.

According to media reports, two articles on the Qalampir.uz website about corruption and nepotism related to Uzbekistan's participation in the Paris Olympics were removed on 27th August 2024. According to an editorial employee, the material was deleted after “objections from the Uzbek presidential administration”, which “recommended not to publish ‘negative materials’ before celebrating the country's Independence Day and parliamentary elections”.

In 2022, online journal Anhor.uz also removed an analytical article on the pre-election processes and expenditures of Uzbekistan's Central Election Commission.

After the December 2022 arrest of lawyer and blogger Shahida Salomova, the internet sites which she ran before have been closed and the posts where she criticised officials and the relatives of the president have been deleted.

In August 2023, Azon.uz, a well-known Uzbek online media outlet focused on religion, reportedly shut down its website abruptly, ceased its online TV and radio broadcasts, and removed all its social media accounts without explanation. Many journalists and civil society activists believe this action is part of the authoritarian government's broader attempt to curb free speech, coinciding with ongoing trials involving journalists and bloggers.

According to human rights defenders, law enforcement officers have begun monitoring the actions of Uzbek citizens on the Internet even more systematically from July 2024 onwards.

On 16th August 2024, Gazeta-uz removed a critical article from its website which covered the cost to the people of Uzbekistan of winning the gold medals at the Olympics. At the time of writing, the article could still be accessed on the portal kun.uz and Telegram (archived version available here and here). The article covers the use of taxpayers’ money in the preparation for the Paris Olympics and calls on the government to use funds more transparently and rationally.

In September 2024, individual activists in Uzbekistan reported that the Russian language pages of some international human rights organisations and independent news platforms covering Central Asia were not accessible from inside Uzbekistan - including those of IPHR and AHRCA, as well as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, Radio Ozodlik, and others.

New law on “undesirable foreigners”

On 20th September 2024, the Senate of the Oliy Majlis approved amendments to the law on the legal status of foreign citizens and stateless persons in Uzbekistan. These amendments had previously been passed by the lower house of Parliament, Oliy Majilis on 5th June 2024. If signed by the president, it will enter into force.

The new law grants authorities the power to designate foreign citizens “undesirable” in Uzbekistan and impose five-year travel bans on any foreigner for vaguely-defined offences such as “demeaning the honour, dignity or historical legacy of the people of Uzbekistan”. On 5th July 2024, 29 international and national human rights organisations issued a joint statement that “these amendments represent a flagrant violation of international standards on freedom of expression and pose a serious risk of isolating the country”, calling on the President to veto this proposal and uphold fundamental human rights.

Freedom of association

Human rights defenders under threat

On 18th April 2024, Umida Niyazova, founder and director of Uzbek Forum for Human Rights, and Sharifa Madrakhimova, a well-known journalist and human rights activist, were ambushed by two unknown men while outside Madrakhimova's home in the Fergana region, where they were carrying out an independent monitoring mission on labour rights in Uzbekistan’s cotton sector. The men intimidated and insulted the two women, accusing Niyazova of “organising information attacks against Uzbekistan.” To avoid further confrontation, Niyazova and Madrakhimova got into their car, but one of the men held the door to stop them from closing it and driving away. The pair had been travelling around the region to meet with farmers and representatives of cotton companies. Concerned for their safety and that of the farmers and local human rights activists they intended to meet, Niyazova decided to end her trip prematurely. One of the men was later identified as a pro-government blogger. Cotton Campaign published a statement on 2nd May 2024 in which they sharply criticised the Uzbek authorities, warning that this “outrageous attempt to intimidate Niyazova and Madrakhimova rings the alarm about Uzbekistan’s willingness to comply with international rules governing supply chains,” adding that the “Uzbek Forum’s independent monitors played a critical role in driving an end to systemic state-imposed forced labour of children and adults in the Uzbek cotton sector.”

In the last two years, human rights activist Tatyana Dovlatova has faced a series of lawsuits which she believes to be politically motivated retaliation for her work defending prisoners’ rights in the country.

In 2023, Dovlatova was charged with invasion of privacy following an incident of provocation. She was eventually acquitted of these charges following a trial which lasted from February to May, but the person responsible for the provocation was not brought to justice.

In January 2024, Dovlatova again won a court case in which she was falsely accused by a state electricity provider of having accumulated large debts for electricity use – around 62 million Uzbek soms, or approximately USD 4,999. As a result, the criminal case was closed and transferred to administrative proceedings, where she was able to prove that she had no outstanding debts for electricity services.

Dovlatova is now seeking to bring officials to justice for slander, but her attempts to lodge a complaint have so far not received a response from the Main Department of Internal Affairs of the city of Tashkent. Dovlatova is currently facing pressure from a police investigator of the Yakkasaray District Department of Internal Affairs (RUVD), Tashkent, who threatens to initiate a criminal case against her if she does not withdraw the complaint against those responsible for fabricating charges against her.

Reportedly, the Head of the Secretariat of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Human Rights (Ombudsman) insulted and threatened Dovlatova - she sent an audio recording of this to the prosecutor's office and the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights. These agencies have not yet reacted to these complaints.

From 25th May 2024, human rights activist Klara Sakharova received messages on her Telegram channel over several months from an anonymous account with the nickname “LONDON” containing threats and obscene insults against her, her son and her mother. “LONDON” also repeatedly mocked the memory of Klara Sakharova’s late brother, orientalist scholar Andrei Kubatin, who was accused of treason in 2017 and rehabilitated in 2019. Reportedly, on 26th, 27th and 29th May, Klara Sakharova was followed by a white car, and on 31st May, IPHR, AHRCA and partners issued a joint statement expressing concerns about her safety and calling on the authorities to swiftly protect her and her family, investigate the allegations and bring the perpetrator/s to justice.

The UN Special Rapporteur on the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, Mary Lawlor, commented on Sakharova’s case, stating “I’m deeply concerned that WHRD Klara Sakharova has faced anonymous threats and insults since 25th May. Despite her complaints to law enforcement on 27th May, a criminal case allegedly hasn’t been opened. Uzbekistan must immediately investigate and ensure her safety.”

Klara Sakharova was then summoned by police and shown a photo of the alleged administrator of the "LONDON" account, but for unknown reasons the investigations into the threats were closed.

On 19th October 2023, human rights activist Agzam Turgunov was attacked in Tashkent by employees of the Almazar district traffic police after asking them to move their service vehicles that were blocking a bus stop, forcing passengers to walk on the main road. Having gotten off at the Beruniy metro station at about 12:25, Turgunov headed to the stop to change to a bus. Having assessed the situation, he asked one of the policemen to move the cars, but got no response. When Turgunov turned to his colleague, he roughly grabbed the human rights activist and dragged him to the service bus, threatening to draw up a report for violating traffic rules by pedestrians and other road users. Turgunov sustained several large bruises on his arms during the incident. He later filed a complaint with the Almazar District Prosecutor to hold the inspector accountable for exceeding official powers, and also asked for a forensic medical examination, but he has had no official response at the time of writing.

Human rights activist and lawyer Ruslan Ishmukhamedov, known online by the name of “Ruslan Metov”, monitors civil and administrative court proceedings and provides free legal advice. His internet criticism about human rights violations has irritated officials and since February 2024, he has experienced increasing pressure from officials. Since February he was twice sentenced to detention on administrative charges, lasting from eight hours to five days. He was convicted of slander, petty hooliganism, and failure to comply with the legal demands of a police officer. On 21st June 2024, Shaykhantaur District Criminal Court ruled to detain Ishmukhamedov for five days in the temporary detention facility of the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs. He was held in an overcrowded cell, which was designed for four people, but held from eight to ten people. The mattresses on which the prisoners sleep, without bed linen, were extremely dirty. When the human rights activist demanded that the mattresses be replaced, the duty officer reportedly replied that the detention facility was designed for 250 people, but that it was actually holding 500 people. The food in this detention facility was reportedly also of extremely poor quality, but each prisoner had to pay for it. Despite temperatures of over 45 degrees Celsius, showers were not available.

CSOs denied registration

The operating space for civil society remains seriously restricted in Uzbekistan. The process of registering new NGOs remains fraught with difficulties, and the NGOs that manage to get registered are mainly those that work in humanitarian fields for the provision of help to victims of trafficking and to support persons with disabilities. It is particularly difficult for NGOs working in the human rights field to get registered. Several independent NGOs have repeatedly been denied registration on grounds that appear to be politically motivated. This has been documented widely by many human rights organisations, including IPHR and AHRCA, and Uzbek Forum for Human Rights.

Human rights defender and former political prisoner Agzam Turgunov has received 14 rejections since 2019, the latest in February 2024, when attempting to register the NGO Human Rights House, with the Ministry of Justice referring to alleged minor technical mistakes in the application. Even the involvement of well-known lawyer Sergey Mayorov did not help to overcome the obstacles to registration. In 2022, Turgunov was further subjected to harassment and intimidation by state officials. In May 2024, Turgunov reported being under surveillance during Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Uzbekistan and again in September, during the visit of Mikhail Mishustin, Prime Minister of Russia.

Foreign funding law

NGOs’ activities continue to be restricted, and access to funding remains excessively difficult in Uzbekistan. In October 2023, the Cabinet of Ministers approved a new resolution on the registration of foreign grants and implementation of the activities financed with them, replacing the June 2022 resolution that introduced compulsory partnership with state agencies on the implementation of foreign funded projects. According to the International Centre for Not-for-Profit law, the changes represent an improvement compared to previous regulations. They note that, while still imposing excessive restrictions on NGOs’ access to sources of funding, the new resolution “simplified the registration procedure for foreign grants, clarified and, potentially, expanded the threshold for the foreign grant amount, as well as provided limitations to the powers of the required “state organisation” implementing partner of an NGO-grant recipient”. In a welcome development, the Ministry of Justice took active steps to include civil society actors in this process, holding active consultations with NGOs, allowing for a review of the draft resolution, and incorporating a number of important recommendations from NGOs in the final version. Nevertheless, concerns remain on a number of issues, including the need to register and get approval from the Ministry of Justice -- not just notify the Ministry as was advocated for by civil society actors -- to receive grants above USD 2,800. NGOs also continue to be subject to excessive reporting requirements.

Release of former diplomat

Former diplomat Kadyr Yusupov was released in June 2024 after five and a half years of arbitrary detention following deeply flawed and unfair proceedings. In a joint statement, several international non-governmental organisations called on the Uzbekistani authorities to launch an effective, transparent and impartial investigation into allegations that he was arbitrarily detained and tortured in detention, and grant him redress and compensation.

Kadyr Yusupov, who previously worked in Uzbekistan’s embassies in Austria, the United Kingdom, Sudan, and Middle Eastern countries, as well as in Uzbekistan’s Permanent Missions to the UN and the OSCE, was arrested on treason charges in December 2018. The charges against him appear to have been based on a statement he made during a psychotic episode, when he was undergoing medical treatment following a failed suicide attempt. Whilst in hospital, suffering from brain trauma and clearly confused, Yusupov reportedly said that he had been a spy for the West. He was then convicted on charges of treason (under Article 157, Part 1 of the Criminal Code) in January 2020. He was released on 10th June 2024 after serving his full sentence. Following his release, Yusupov will be held under administrative supervision for a year, during which time he will be subjected to restrictions on his movement and participation in public events.