Politically motivated prosecutions amid declining media and civic space

This update covers the protection of the freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly in Kyrgyzstan from October 2024 to May 2025. It has been prepared by International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) for the CIVICUS Monitor based on monitoring conducted together with local partners.

The recent sharp decline in media freedom and freedom of expression in Kyrgyzstan was reflected in the country’s 24-place drop in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index. Once considered a regional leader on press freedom, Kyrgyzstan now ranks below Kazakhstan and only slightly above Uzbekistan.

Pressure on independent media continued to mount. Following the court-ordered closure of the investigative platform Kloop last year over its “negative” and critical reporting, authorities sought to shut down Aprel TV, accusing it of portraying the government unfavourably through “sarcasm”, “ridicule” and “expressive speech.” As of mid-May 2025, a petition to court in this case was pending.

President Japarov also publicly supported the US administration’s move to close Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (which eventually was halted), accusing the local service of spreading disinformation.

A widely criticised draft media law was revised and improved before being resubmitted to Parliament, where it remained under consideration as of mid-May 2025. At the same time, other recent legislative initiatives threaten to further undermine free speech. Amendments to criminal law that entered into force in February 2025 grant police broad powers to fine legal entities and individuals for allegedly spreading defamatory or knowingly “false” information via media or online platforms.

Additional amendments, passed on first reading in Parliament in April 2025, would introduce further penalties for the online dissemination of ‘’false’’ information, using similarly vague language. Both initiatives risk being misused to suppress legitimate speech and intimidate media, journalists, and government critics.

Criminal prosecutions continued to be used as a tool of retaliation against journalists, bloggers, and activists. In many cases, charges were initiated under broadly-worded provisions of the Criminal Code and relied heavily on dubious conclusions by state-appointed experts regarding allegedly unlawful social media content. These prosecutions have had a chilling effect on public discourse, undermining civic space and stifling open debate.

Temirov Live journalist Makhabat Tazhibek kyzy remained behind bars in apparent retaliation for her platform’s anti-corruption investigations. She was convicted in October 2024 on spurious charges of calling for disobedience towards authorities and inciting riots, following a trial marred by due process violations. The Supreme Court later upheld her conviction. Her colleague, Azamat Ishenbekov, who was imprisoned on similar charges, was pardoned and released in April 2025 after more than a year in detention. That same month, blogger Zarina Torokulova – imprisoned in 2024 for allegedly posting “provocative” content on social media – was also pardoned and freed. While both releases were welcome, neither individual should have been imprisoned in the first place.

Meanwhile, new arrests further underscored the deteriorating climate. Independent journalist Kanyshay Mamyrkulova was detained in March 2025 and charged with calling for riots and inciting inter-ethnic discord after criticising a border agreement with Tajikistan online. The following month human rights defender Rita Karasartova was similarly detained and prosecuted for rioting after sharing a message from opposition activist Tilekmat Kurenov —who was later forcibly returned from the United Arab Emirates in a security service operation. Both women remained in pre-trial detention as of mid-May 2025, as did the opposition activist.

The trial of blogger-activist Aftandil Jorobekov, prosecuted after opposing a controversial flag change initiative, concluded with a fine in October 2024. In March 2025, the Supreme Court upheld the three-year prison sentence of musician-poet Askat Zhetigen, who faced criminal charges after harshly criticising President Japarov on social media. In yet another case, whistleblower Zhoomart Karabaev stood trial on criminal charges initiated after he exposed the use of expert assessments dictated by security services in politically motivated prosecutions.

In a worrying attack on the independence of the legal profession, lawyer Samat Matsakov was arrested in November 2024 in apparent retaliation for representing government critics in high-profile cases. The legal actions against him, denounced by human rights defenders, the Bar Association, and UN experts, were marked by due process violations. He was eventually released under a travel ban in February 2025, pending trial.

The criminal prosecution of opposition Social Democrats party members highlighted the growing suppression of political pluralism in Kyrgyzstan, prompting criticism from both rights groups and the European Parliament. Following his arrest in November 2024, party leader Temirlan Sultanbekov went on a prolonged hunger strike to protest the charges, severely endangering his health before ending the strike after nearly 100 days. Following a closed trial that ended in April 2025, Sultanbekov and his two co-defendants all received probational sentences.

The repressive and stigmatising “foreign agent”-style NGO law in spring 2024 continued to cast a long shadow over CSOs. A growing number of CSOs have shut down or scaled back their activities to avoid being targeted. While only a few organisations have registered under the law so far, its initiator urged the government to “speed up” implementation. Public statements made by President Japarov in December 2024 further fuelled mistrust against foreign-funded groups as he accused them of spreading “false” information and concealing information about their actual use of foreign grants. Prominent human rights defender Aziza Abdurasulova fled the country after being singled out for criticism in Japarov’s speech and receiving threats.

A new Law on Freedom of Religion and Religious Associations, enacted in February 2025, was strongly criticised by human rights defenders and international experts for violating Kyrgyzstan’s international obligations — not only in relation to freedom of religion or belief, but also the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly. The law imposes strict registration requirements, intrusive reporting obligations, and grants authorities broad oversight powers.

A blanket court-sanctioned ban on protests in central Bishkek—first introduced in spring 2022 at the request of the Russian embassy— was extended again, most recently until the end of June 2025. Authorities have claimed the ban is necessary to prevent potential unrest, but in practice it has blocked citizens from exercising their right to peaceful assembly near government buildings and other key locations.

In addition to civil society, international actors raised concerns over increasing restrictions on civil liberties in Kyrgyzstan during the reporting period. During his March 2025 visit to the country, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk raised alarm about the narrowing space for civil society and independent media, warning of increasing fear and self-censorship. A European Parliament delegation visiting in February 2025, amid the ratification process for the EU–Kyrgyzstan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, voiced similar concerns. Concerns about the deteriorating civic space situation were also raised during Kyrgyzstan’s April 2025 Universal Periodic Review and at the EU’s annual Human Rights Dialogue with the government in November 2024.

These issues are described in more detail below.

Expression

As covered in our earlier updates, the situation for media freedom and freedom of expression has significantly worsened in Kyrgyzstan in the recent period. This decline was reflected in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index, released by Reporters Without Borders in May, where Kyrgyzstan dropped 24 places compared to the previous year – ranking 144th out of 180 countries. For the first time, it ranked below neighbouring Kazakhstan (141st) and only slightly above Uzbekistan (148th).

Key concerns include pressure on independent media outlets, laws that restrict free speech, and criminal cases against journalists, bloggers and activists critical of the authorities – often over social media posts, with charges initiated under vaguely-worded Criminal Code provisions. These trends are described in more detail below.

Pressure on independent media

As covered in the previous update, in July 2024, the Supreme Court upheld a lower-level court decision to close down the organisation behind the award-winning investigative platform Kloop over its allegedly “negative” coverage and its “sharp criticism” of the government. Together with other international human rights groups, IPHR criticised this decision as an unacceptable attack on media freedom and called for its retraction.

The Temirov Live investigative group – known for its investigations into high-level corruption – faced a severe attack in 2024, when law enforcement authorities raided its offices and detained and prosecuted its journalists, ending with four convictions in October 2024 (see more below).

Radio Azattyk - the Kyrgyz service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) – has remained under scrutiny despite the reversal of its earlier 2023 court-ordered closure over a video report about hostilities at Kyrgyzstan’s border with Tajikistan. In February 2025, President Japarov backed US President Trump advisor Elon Musk’s call to shut down RFE/RL, calling the Kyrgyz service ‘’outdated’’ and ‘’unnecessary’’ and accusing it of publishing incorrect and manipulated information. Although a subsequent move by the Trump administration to cut funding for RFE/RL was ultimately halted, the future of the Kyrgyz and other local services remains uncertain.

In yet another move, in late April 2025, Kyrgyzstani prosecutors filed a petition with a local court seeking the closure of the Aprel TV channel, accusing it of disseminating “negative” information accompanied by “sarcasm”, “ridicule” and “expressive speech and facial expressions.” With reference to alleged expert conclusions, they alleged that such coverage presents the government in an “unfavourable light,” undermines its authority, and fosters public mistrust and suspicion. The trial in the case began in May 2025. Aprel TV – founded in 2018 and previously owned by ex-President Almazbek Amtambayev – has also previously faced pressure.

Laws restricting free speech

A widely criticised draft media law was significantly revised and improved — in consultation with media representatives — before being resubmitted to Kyrgyzstan’s Parliament in December 2024. Under the revised version, online outlets are no longer required to obtain state registration; media operations can only be suspended or terminated by a court decision or at the initiative of their founders; and outlets are not held responsible for content disseminated from official or public sources. Media representatives have described the law as an acceptable compromise, although some problematic provisions remain — including those allowing media outlets to be sanctioned or shut down for repeatedly publishing content deemed to contain calls for the forceful seizure of power, a charge frequently used against government critics.

On 9th April 2025, Parliament approved the revised version of the media law on first reading, with further readings pending as of mid-May 2025.

While the thorough revision of the media law was welcome, other recent legislative initiatives raise serious free speech concerns.

Amendments to the Code of Offences, which were signed into law by the president in January 2025 and entered into force the following month, grant law enforcement authorities broad discretion to fine those accused of disseminating insulting, slanderous, or knowingly “false” information through media or online channels. The initial draft faced severe criticism, including from the Venice Commission, which warned it could lead to self-censorship and undermine public debate. In response, the provisions were revised—most notably, the authority to enforce them was transferred from the government to the police, and fines were significantly reduced to approximately 200 EUR for individuals and 660 EUR for legal entities. Fines can be appealed against in court. Despite this, serious concerns remain about the potential misuse of the new provisions to undermine freedom of expression and pressure independent media, journalists, and government critics. Since criminal liability for defamation was previously abolished in 2011, this legislation represents a worrying setback.

Other proposed amendments to the Code of Offences, currently under consideration in Parliament, would penalise the dissemination of “false” information via media or online platforms, including social networks, in a manner that disrupts public order or infringes on the rights and legally protected interests of individuals, organisations, or the state. Those found guilty of violating these provisions could face similar fines as those penalised under the law in force since February, i.e. 200 EUR for individuals and 660 EUR for legal entities. As highlighted by human rights lawyers, this vaguely-worded offence could similarly be misused to suppress legitimate free speech and intimidate those critical of authorities. On 10th April 2025, the draft amendments were passed on first reading in Parliament.

As previously covered, 2021 legislation, which allows the government to block access to websites without court approval, over alleged ‘’false’’ information, has repeatedly been used to restrict access to independent news sites. In summer 2024, a new body created under the Ministry of Culture and Information was tasked with systematically monitoring the internet for “provocative” and “incorrect” information and initiating blockings in response. This prompted concerns about increasing misuse of the 2021 law. However, in March 2025, the government decreed to close the new information research centre as part of a programme of de-bureaucratisation.

Temirov Live journalist remains in prison

As covered in our previous update, in October 2024, a local court issued its verdict in the case of a group of journalists associated with the Temirov Live investigative media outlet charged with calling for riots and disobedience towards authorities under a vaguely worded provision of the Criminal Code (article 278, part 3). These charges were related to video reports published by Temirov Live, known for its investigations into high-level corruption, as well as its sister project Ait Ait Dese. Makhabat Tazhibek kyzy, Temirov Live’s director, and Azamat Ishenbekov were sentenced to six and five years in prison, respectively. Two other journalists, Aike Beishekeyeva and Aktilek Kaparov received three years’ probational sentences.

Both human rights groups and international experts denounced the criminal case against the journalists. IPHR and international NGO partners called the charges “a textbook example of retaliation against investigative journalism and reporting on high-level corruption”. In addition, as highlighted in a report by Trial Watch – an initiative of the Clooney Foundation for Justice - the proceedings were marred by fair trial violations, including inequality of arms and reliance on conflicting conclusions from prosecution experts. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded that the detention of journalists in this case violated Kyrgyzstan’s international obligations, including with respect to freedom of expression, fair trial rights and the right to liberty and security.

Despite the criticism, the journalists’ sentences were upheld by the Supreme Court in February 2025. However, while Makhabat Tazhibek kyzy remains imprisoned, Azamat Ishenbekov was pardoned and released in April 2025, in response to a petition filed by him.

Serious concerns about Tazhibek kyzy ’s well-being in prison arose in February 2025 due to reports about intimidation and threats – including death threats – targeted against her by a fellow prisoner. Following these reports, representatives of the National Centre for the Prevention of Torture and the Ombudsperson’s Office visited the journalist in prison and discussed the threats with the prison management. They concluded that the situation had eventually been resolved and that Tazhibek kyzy had no further complaints about her treatment. Nevertheless, as emphasised in a joint statement issued by IPHR and international partners, concerns about Tazhibek kyzy’s well-being persist due to her vulnerable position in prison.

Tazhibek kyzy ’s husband, Temirov Live’s founder Bolot Temirov, remains in exile after being unlawfully stripped of his citizenship and expelled in 2022.

Journalist charged over social media posts on border issue

In the early morning of 20th March 2025, independent journalist Kanyshay Mamyrkulova was forcibly detained in her home by law enforcement officers and taken into police custody. Two days later, a local Bishkek court sanctioned her pre-trial detention for two months at a session held behind closed doors without the presence of her lawyer. She has been charged with allegedly calling for riots and inciting inter-ethnic discord and could face a lengthy prison sentence if convicted. According to the police, she allegedly committed these crimes through her social media posts in which she criticised the government’s position on the Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan border issue, including in relation to a recently signed border agreement.

Mamyrkulova has worked as a journalist for more than 25 years, representing different local media outlets. In recent years, she has worked as a freelance journalist and been active on social media, frequently commenting on current affairs and expressing critical views regarding those in power.

In a joint statement, IPHR and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee called on Kyrgyzstani authorities to release Mamyrkulova and drop the charges initiated against her in apparent retaliation for her criticism of the government. Kyrgyzstan’s Media Action Platform also called for the journalist’s release, emphasising that her social media posts contain nothing unlawful and that she was merely exercising her constitutionally protected right to freedom of expression on matters of public importance. In addition, the Platform expressed concerns about her health in detention given her chronic conditions.

In late April 2025, the police handed over the case against Mamyrkulova to a local court, which rejected her request to be released pending the court proceedings. Earlier, an investigative judge had ordered the seizure of Mamyrkulova’s apartment – where she lives with her family – to serve as collateral for potential fines that might be imposed. However, lawyers noted that national law does not provide for property seizure in such cases and expressed alarm that the decision concerned the family’s home.

Human rights defender arrested after posting activist’s appeal

In another alarming case, human rights defender Rita Karasartova was detained early on 15th April 2025, following a search of her home carried out in her absence by a group of law enforcement officials — some of whom were armed and wore masks. She was remanded to police custody, and two days later a local court in Chui region sanctioned her pre-trial detention until 12th May in a criminal case initiated on charges of mass unrest. At the court hearing, investigators provided no credible justification for Karasartova’s arrest and refused to disclose any information about the charges against her, citing the alleged secrecy of the case. Later, her pre-trial detention was extended until 12th June – a decision that was upheld on appeal.

Karasartova was arrested just hours after she posted an appeal on social media from opposition activist Tilekmat Kurenov, who had gone missing in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), stating that he had asked her to do so “should something happen to him.” In the appeal, Kurenov primarily addressed his family, asking for forgiveness for his difficult situation and insisting on his innocence. (See more on the activist’s case below).

Both local and international human rights NGOs sounded the alarm that Rita Karasartova appears to have been targeted for her legitimate civic activism and called for her release. IPHR also raised concerns about her case as part of the growing assault on civic space in Kyrgyzstan.

Karasartova’s detention is especially worrying in light of her earlier prosecution in the so-called Kempir-Abad case, where she and other activists were charged with instigating mass unrest and attempting to seize power after peacefully opposing a government-negotiated border deal with neighbouring Uzbekistan. During the investigation in that case, she spent months in deplorable conditions in pre-trial detention. Eventually, in June 2024, Karasartova and 21 other defendants in the case were unexpectedly acquitted.

Following Karasartova’s new detention, human rights defenders voiced particular concerns about her well-being behind bars as she recently underwent extensive dental surgery. Following a visit to her in detention, Kyrgyzstan’s Ombudsperson called for ensuring proper medical care. After initially refusing, prison authorities eventually allowed her to visit a medical clinic to remove stitches remaining from her surgery.

Forcible return of activist facing charges over social media posts

According to opposition activist Tilekmat Kurenov’s family, he disappeared in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on 10th April 2025. Ten days later, Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (SCNS) announced that he had been forcibly returned to Kyrgyzstan, and on 21st April, a Bishkek court ordered his pre-trial detention on charges of public calls for the forceful seizure of power related to his social media posts.

The legal ramifications of Kurenov’s return remain unclear, and his whereabouts from his reported disappearance until his return to Kyrgyzstan unknown. Kurenov previously fled Kyrgyzstan in 2022 after serving an 18-month prison sentence issued following his protests against a controversial constitutional reform initiated by President Japarov. When serving that sentence, he reported being subjected to torture. Kurenov had been stranded in the UAE since November 2024 due to extradition requests from Kyrgyzstan. Together with Freedom for Eurasia, Freedom Now, and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, IPHR had called on the UAE to refrain from extraditing Kurenov to Kyrgyzstan, stressing that he would face a significant risk of arbitrary detention, torture and other serious human rights violations if returned.

In mid-May 2025, Kurenov’s pre-trial detention was extended by another two months.

Other cases initiated over social media posts

As highlighted in previous updates, a growing number of activists, bloggers and journalists are facing criminal charges over social media posts critical of authorities. These cases are often based on vaguely defined Criminal Code provisions, such as those banning public calls for “disobedience” to officials and riots (article 278(3)), public calls for the forceful seizure of power (article 327), and “incitement” to ethnic or other hatred (article 330). In most cases, charges rely primarily on assessments by state-appointed experts engaged by law enforcement and security agencies, who often lack the necessary qualifications to carry out such assessments.

In the cases covered above, Temirov Live journalists, independent journalist Kanyshay Mamyrkulova, human rights defender Rita Karasartova and opposition activist Tilekmat Kurenov were all charged over social media posts. Other recent cases include:

• Blogger Zarina Torokulova was imprisoned in April 2024 after being accused of “systematically” posting “provocative” content on social media. Her arrest came after she re-posted an announcement of a peaceful protest against a government-initiated transfer of property to neighbouring Uzbekistan. The Supreme Court later upheld her five-year prison sentence on charges of calling for disobedience towards authorities and riots. Her family voiced serious concerns about her well-being in detention, in particular following her transfer to a stricter prison regime in December 2024 due to alleged violations of prison rules. Eventually, in April 2025, Toronkulova was released under a presidential pardon in response to a petition submitted by her.
• Whistleblower Zhoomart Karabaev was arrested in July 2024 after publishing social media posts alleging that the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) has provided expert reviews dictated by security services in cases involving government critics. A former NAS employee, Karabaev was charged with calling for disobedience towards authorities and riots, as well as for the forceful seizure of power. His trial began in early October 2024, and later the same month he was released under a travel ban pending the outcome of the trial. Shortly prior to this, he had reported serious threats by a security service official in detention. At the time of writing, the trial in his case is still under way.
• Blogger-activist Aftandil Jorobekov was arrested in December 2023 after posting a video on Facebook in which he criticised a controversial government initiative to change the country’s flag and announced plans to hold a peaceful protest against it. In June 2024, he was moved to house arrest pending the outcome of the trial in his case, which ended with his conviction in October 2024 on charges of calling for the forceful seizure of power. He was fined the equivalent of some 750 EUR.
• Musician-poet Askat Zhetigen, who was arrested and prosecuted in March 2024 after harshly criticising President Japarov in a social media post, was sentenced to three years in prison in July 2024 on charges of calling for the forceful seizure of power. His sentence was later upheld on appeal, including by the Supreme Court in March 2025. Prior to facing criminal charges, Zhetigen had repeatedly expressed critical views of the current government on social media.

According to research by the Kloop investigative platform, between 2000 and 2024, authorities initiated 54 criminal cases over social media posts critical of those in power. Those targeted included activists, journalists, and ordinary users, with their cases forming part of a total of over 140 politically motivated prosecutions during that period. These findings underscore the increasing suppression of dissent under President Japarov, with individuals expressing views that contradict official positions facing a growing risk of persecution.

Association

“Foreign agent” style NGO law

As covered before, in spring 2024, a controversial “foreign agent”-style NGO law was adopted in Kyrgyzstan. The so-called law on ‘’foreign representatives’’ provides for a stigmatising registration regime for NGOs that receive foreign funding and are engaged in “political” activities – a term that is broadly defined as influencing decision-making, policies or public opinion and can be interpreted to encompass core NGO activities. It also provides for excessive and intrusive state control of NGO activities. NGOs accused of non-compliance may face suspension and eventual liquidation.

The “foreign representative” law has been severely criticised by civil society, international human rights bodies and representatives of the international community. In an important legal opinion issued in October 2024, the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission concluded that the law violates constitutional and international standards on association rights and warned that its implementation poses a “real risk of stigmatising, silencing and eventually eliminating” NGOs that receive foreign funding, in particular those critical of the government. It called for the law to be repealed.

As of early May 2025, only five organisations — including two business associations and three groups working on environmental and climate issues — had voluntarily registered as “foreign representatives” and been included in the public registry created for this purpose. However, concerns persist that others will face pressure to register, especially in light of calls for stricter enforcement of the law. In January 2025, Nadira Narmatova — the MP who initiated the law — publicly urged the Ministry of Justice to “hurry up and complete the [foreign representative] registry; we need to know who's who.”

In this context, the “foreign representative” law has contributed to a climate of fear and self-censorship within civil society, leading an increasing number of organisations to shut down or scale back their activities to avoid the law’s potential consequences.

Statements made by President Japarov in a public address in December 2024 further reinforced mistrust toward foreign-funded CSOs and fuelled fears of additional measures targeting them. He accused independent media and human rights organisations of misusing foreign funding to spread ‘’false’’ information and of concealing how such funds are used in their reporting.

Attempts by human rights defenders to legally challenge the ‘’foreign representative’’ law have so far been unsuccessful. In January 2025, a local court dismissed a complaint filed by the Bir Duino Human Rights Movement, which argued that a government resolution on the law’s implementation violated both national and international legal standards. The decision was later upheld on appeal.

Intimidation of CSO representatives

NGO representatives have faced growing threats and intimidation amid the worsening climate for civil society. In a particularly troubling development, well-known human rights defender Aziza Abdurasulova was forced to flee the country in December 2024 after receiving threats by phone and on social media. These developments took place after President Japarov singled out Abdurasulova and her organisation during his December 2024 address mentioned above.

The intimidation did not end after Abdurasulova’s departure from the country. In mid-January 2025, the pro-government Kaganat media released a discrediting video about her, which accused her of exploiting minority rights as a pretext to serve foreign interests in domestic affairs, among other allegations. These claims were linked to her work on the case of Azimjan Askarov, an ethnic Uzbek human rights defender who was wrongfully imprisoned for his alleged role in the 2010 interethnic violence in southern Kyrgyzstan and later died in prison. Fellow human rights defenders condemned the video as a shameful attempt to tarnish Abdurasulova’s reputation and attack the human rights community. The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders, Mary Lawlor, also raised concerns, urging the government to investigate the threats and stop the smear campaign against Abdurasulova.

New restrictive legislation affecting religious organisations

A new Law on Freedom of Religion and Religious Associations, along with related amendments to other laws, entered into force in February 2025 after being adopted by Parliament in December 2024 and subsequently signed by President Japarov. Human rights defenders and international experts have strongly criticised the legislation.

In its analysis, Forum 18 highlighted that the new law seriously violates Kyrgyzstan’s international human rights obligations. Among other issues, it bans the exercise of freedom of religion or belief without state permission and requires religious organisations to have at least 500 founders to obtain registration — a prohibitively high threshold for many small local communities. The law also introduces intrusive reporting requirements, obliging registered organisations to provide extensive personal, organisational, and financial information to the authorities.

Meanwhile, the State Commission for Religious Affairs (SCRA) and its regional branches are granted broad powers to monitor compliance with the law and the internal statutes of religious organisations. These bodies can request administrative and financial documents, send officials to attend religious events, and inspect financial and other transactions. If violations are identified, they can impose sanctions, including suspending the organisation’s activities or seeking a court decision to shut them down if issues are not addressed following official warnings.

In a joint statement, a group of UN Special Rapporteurs expressed concern over the law and the accompanying amendments, warning that the legislation “will severely limit the space for freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, as well as freedoms of expression, assembly, and association, the principle of non-discrimination, and the exercise of cultural rights.” The experts cautioned that the law risks “criminalising and marginalising minorities of religion or belief.” They urged Kyrgyzstani authorities to “conduct open, meaningful, and inclusive dialogue” with affected minority groups and to bring the legislation into line with international standards.

Lawyer targeted for defending high-profile clients

In an alarming development undermining the independence of the legal profession, a lawyer was criminally prosecuted in apparent retaliation for defending government critics.

On 29th November 2024, SCNS officers arrested defence lawyer Samat Matsakov, searched his Bishkek home, and confiscated legal case materials. A court sanctioned his pre-trial detention on fraud and forgery charges for a month – a period that was later extended.

While the SCNS accused Matsakov of misappropriating $22,000 through judicial connections and forging documents to cover up his actions, the circumstances of the case suggest he was targeted for defending clients in politically sensitive cases. Prior to his arrest, he had defended, among others, Temirov Live journalists, musician-poet Askat Zhetigen (see more about his and the journalists’ case under Expression), and former presidential candidate Imamidin Tashov, who alleged being tortured while held in SCNS detention on charges of plotting a coup.

Kyrgyzstan’s Bar Association, human rights defenders and international NGOs – including IPHR and partners – condemned Matsakov’s arrest, urging authorities to comply with their national and international obligations to uphold the independence of the legal profession and ensure that lawyers can carry out their professional activities without intimidation and harassment. In a joint communication to the government, several UN human rights experts also expressed concerns about the apparent retaliatory nature of the charges against Matsakov as well as due process and fair trial violations in the case.

On 24th February 2025, after Matsakov had spent nearly three months in detention, the Bishkek City Court ordered his release pending trial, instead imposing a travel ban. At the time of writing, the trial had yet to begin.

Criminal case against opposition party members

The prosecution of several members of an opposition party reinforced concerns about growing government suppression of political pluralism. Those targeted represent the Social Democrats – a successor to the Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan, which was previously a leading political force in the country but ceased to exist following a 2020 split.

On 13th November 2024, police searched the office of the Social Democrats and detained party leader Temirlan Sultanbekov, election campaign manager Irina Karamushkina, and member Roza Turksever. A court placed them in pre-trial detention for two months, later extending this period. They were charged with vote-buying based on a leaked audio recording of unknown origin, which party members insisted involved discussion of payments to campaigners, not illegal activity. Their arrest came just before the 17th November 2024 municipal elections, leading to the party’s disqualification in Bishkek. Later, they faced additional charges of fraud and violating election financing rules.

Following his arrest, Temirlan Sultanbekov held an extended hunger strike in protest, drinking only water and juice, resulting in a serious deterioration in his health. In mid-January 2025, a doctor warned that he risked coma, hypoglycaemia and organ failure should he continue the strike. After almost 100 days, Sultanbekov finally ended his hunger strike.

The Social Democrats denounced the criminal case against party members as politically motivated. Human rights groups also voiced concerns and a December 2024 resolution adopted by the European Parliament dubbed the charges “dubious” and called on authorities to release party members, respect due process rights, and ensure Sultanbekov’s well-being.

Following a trial held behind closed doors due to the alleged secrecy of the case, a Bishkek court issued its verdict on 24th April 2025. It handed three-year probational sentences to all three defendants. While their families were relieved about their releases, their lawyers announced that they were appealing the ruling, calling it unlawful and unsubstantiated.

Several other party members were temporarily detained for questioning in the case. In addition, in January 2025, party member Ermek Ermatov was sentenced to short-term detention following a police raid, during which he allegedly attempted to conceal evidence related to the vote buying investigation. Police reportedly used excessive force when detaining him, causing multiple injuries, and failed to disclose his whereabouts for over a day.

Peaceful Assembly

In February 2025, a representative of the presidential administration publicly claimed that the number of rallies held outside the presidential administration in Bishkek had significantly decreased since 2022 due to improved efforts by the authorities to address citizens’ concerns.

However, he failed to mention the long-standing court-sanctioned ban on protests, which has been in place in central Bishkek since spring 2022. As covered before, at that time, a local court banned peaceful protests outside the Russian embassy, near the presidential and parliament building, on Ala-Too Square and in other central areas following a request from the Russian embassy to prevent protests against the Russian war against Ukraine. Protesters were instructed to gather instead in a specifically designated park (Gorky Park), while official events were exempted from the ban, illustrating its discriminatory nature. The ban has been repeatedly extended since it was first introduced. Most recently, in March 2025, it was extended until 30th June 2025.

While local authorities have claimed that the blanket ban in central Bishkek is necessary to prevent ‘’possible mass unrest’’, its enforcement has prevented citizens from holding peaceful protests on issues important to them within the sight and sound of major target audiences.

Appeals to courts against the prolonged protest ban have been rejected. For example, in April 2025, the Bishkek City Court dismissed a complaint filed by the Bir Duino Human Rights Movement challenging the March decision to extend the ban until the end of June 2025. The court argued that the complaint was submitted after the appeal deadline, while the NGO pointed out that the hearing was held behind closed doors and it only received the court’s decision several days later. The Supreme Court later upheld the City Court’s ruling.

International engagement on civic space issues in Kyrgyzstan

High-level international visits and reviews during the reporting period highlighted the increasing restrictions on civil liberties.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk visited Kyrgyzstan on 19–20 March 2025, meeting with government officials, diplomats, and representatives of the media and civil society. At a concluding press conference, he raised serious concerns about the narrowing space for civil society and independent journalism, warning of “a climate of increasing fear and self-censorship” and describing the country as being at an “inflection point” in its human rights trajectory. He stressed that regression in this area could also undermine economic growth. Türk expressed particular concern over the criminal prosecution of journalists, bloggers, activists, human rights defenders, and political opponents for exercising fundamental freedoms. He urged the government to prevent the misuse of vaguely worded Criminal Code provisions to suppress legitimate civic engagement. He also highlighted concerns about the recently adopted so-called Law on Foreign Representatives as well as the blanket ban on peaceful protests in Bishkek. Among recent positive steps, he mentioned the previous withdrawal of the draft media law due to its inconsistency with human rights standards and urged the government to use a similar model of stakeholder engagement in reviewing other laws.

Prior to Volker Türk’s visit, a delegation from the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights (DROI) visited Kyrgyzstan from 25th to 27th February 2025, meeting with representatives of state institutions, international organisations, the diplomatic community, media, and civil society. Although the government announced in early February that it could not receive the mission on those dates, the visit ultimately went ahead as planned. During the visit, the delegation raised concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation, particularly regarding freedom of expression and civic space. It also expressed confidence that its messages had been heard by the authorities – including the president and other high-level officials – with whom it engaged.

The DROI visit took place in the context of the ratification process for the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), signed by the EU and Kyrgyzstan last year. The European Parliament’s consent is required for the treaty’s ratification, which identifies human rights as a core element of bilateral relations. A report on the issue is currently under consideration in Parliament, with a vote expected in the summer. Ahead of the mission and the EPCA ratification debate, IPHR prepared a detailed briefing on civic space concerns in Kyrgyzstan, urging the EU to use its engagement to press for meaningful reforms, the safeguarding of open debate, and supporting—not hindering—civil society participation.

Moreover, on 28th April 2025, Kyrgyzstan’s human rights record was assessed under the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) – a peer review mechanism under which all UN Member States are periodically examined. This was the fourth time Kyrgyzstan came up for review since the UPR was launched in 2008. During the review UN Member States raised important issues concerning the protection of fundamental freedoms and civic space and made corresponding recommendations. In addition to information from the state under review and UN human rights bodies, the UPR also draws on information from civil society. IPHR and partners had prepared submissions on civic space threats, justice sector challenges and torture for the review and engaged in targeted advocacy in the lead-up to it.

Kyrgyzstan’s human rights record was also the subject of discussion at the EU’s annual Human Rights Dialogue with the government, held in Bishkek in November 2024. During the dialogue, the EU raised concerns about restrictions on fundamental freedoms and shrinking space for civil society, especially following the adoption of the so-called Law on Foreign Representatives. It emphasised ‘’the value of civil society organisations and free media as contributors to the social resilience, prosperity and stability of a democratic society’’ and called for inclusive dialogue with civil society on initiatives affecting human rights. The EU also raised individual cases of concern. IPHR had provided tailored briefing information for the review, documenting key civic issues and cases of concern which it urged the EU to address.