Suspicion of citizen action pervades the authorities’ approach to civil society in Armenia.read more
The Freedom of Information Centre of Armenia (FOICA), a non-governmental organisation monitoring public institutions' compliance with the right to information, published a "blacklist" for 2017. According to FOICA, the blacklist includes public institutions in violation of the law on access to public data and information.
The Freedom of Information Centre of Armenia (FOICA), a non-governmental organisation monitoring public institutions' compliance with the right to information, published a "blacklist" for 2017. According to FOICA, the blacklist includes public institutions in violation of the law on access to public data and information. Most of the requests sent by FOICA to public institutions, for example, have not received any response, even when the authorities are obliged to provide an official response. The majority of the unanswered requests for information concern funding for different projects launched by the authorities. The blacklist of non-communicative institutions includes the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of International Economic Integration and Reforms, the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Emergency Situations.
In January 2018, FOICA reported that "provincial administrations are quicker to respond to citizens' requests than government ministries". Also, FOICA found that issues have arisen when a request to a government agency is submitted electronically. Some agencies refuse to respond to electronic submissions, even though by law electronic requests for information should be considered in the same way as written ones.
A protest march in support of 'Sasna Tsrer' members began from the Office of the RA Human Rights Defender. Yerevan, Armenia. January 11.2018— Photolure (@Photolure) January 11, 2018
© PHOTOLURE/ @Hayko85 https://t.co/N3gl9b9Ifv pic.twitter.com/OFOKBktpYz
Several cases involving members of armed opposition group Sasna Tsrer have regained public attention in Armenia and sparked protests in January 2018. From November to December 2017, several members of Sasna Tsrer, who were involved in hostage taking and the storming of a police station in Yerevan in July 2016, had hearings on their cases. Their actions received widespread popular support and sparked the largest series of anti-government protests in recent memory. On 29th December 2017, one of the arrested demonstrators, Araik Khandoyan, declared a hunger strike. Khandoyan later required medical assistance and suspended the strike after ten days.
In another case, political prisoner Vardan Vardanyan was denied parole after appealing a 2014 prison sentence for "hooliganism" during the November 2013 March of a Million Masks. The March - an anti-government protest - was reportedly organised by the opposition against the Eurasian Customs Union and devolved into clashes between protesters and police.The head of the Vanadzor office of the Helsinki Citizens Assembly, Arthur Sakunets, claims that the court's decision to deny Vardanyan - who conditional release was "politically motivated".
In a separate development on 19th January, protests organised by the opposition bloc Yelk (Way Out) took place over price increases.
Despite the presence of 5,200 civil society organisations registered with the Ministry of Justice, the laws governing the creation and operation of CSOs are cumbersome and result in an overly regulated environment for civil society.
Despite the presence of 5,200 civil society organisations registered with the Ministry of Justice, the laws governing the creation and operation of CSOs are cumbersome and result in an overly regulated environment for civil society. Studies estimate that only 15 – 20% of registered CSOs are active and there is growing concern over the prevalence of government-driven corruption in the sector. Unregistered CSOs do not enjoy the same levels of legal protection and are unable to process financial transactions to support their activities. Moreover, the Law on Public Organisations and Law on Foundations (2001) prevent unregistered entities from sharing information about their activities or working with international civil society groups.
The Armenian government has a well-documented record of interfering with protests and public gatherings.
The Armenian government has a well-documented record of interfering with protests and public gatherings. Protests during the “electric Yerevan” movement resulted in over 200 arrests and reports of violence by police. Armenian human rights groups have highlighted the misuse of the penal code to intimidate protesters and prevent protests deemed unfavourable by the government. In particular, pro-democracy protests have borne the brunt of politically motivated arrests, detentions and torture.
Armenia’s media and news houses are not formally regulated, but informal influence by the government impedes journalistic freedom.
Armenia’s media and news houses are not formally regulated, but informal influence by the government impedes journalistic freedom. Journalists covering protests and gatherings are particular targets of violence and intimidation. In 2015, there were 19 documented cases of violence against journalists, with no one held responsible. With 46% of the Armenian population having access to the internet, online news outlets have begun to flourish. For the most part, bloggers and online journalists are able to operate free from coercion or fear of reprisals. Discrimination against LGBTI communities remains a serious concern in Armenia, with inadequate anti-discrimination laws and frequent reports of hate speech.