Introduction
IACHR finds extreme inequality, discrimination and poverty fuelling ongoing armed conflict and violence in Colombia
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) visited Colombia in April 2024 to assess the country’s human rights situation, particularly the progress and challenges in the implementation of the 2016 Final Agreement for Ending the Conflict and the Building a Stable and Lasting Peace (Peace Agreement). According to the IACHR, Colombia continues to grapple with a deeply entrenched cycle of violence, and systemic inequality and discrimination. Non-state armed groups’ territorial control and the reconfiguration of armed conflict disproportionately affect Indigenous, Afro-descendant and rural communities, forcing displacement and disrupting social structures.
In this context, alarming levels of violence against human rights defenders have been recorded, with 181 killings documented by the Office of the Ombudsman in 2023 and 425 additional killings of peace agreement signatories. Despite measures like the Comprehensive Security and Protection Programme and the Strategic Security and Protection Plan (Programa Integral de Seguridad y Protección para las Comunidades y Organizaciones en los Territorio), systemic challenges persist, including operational deficits in the National Protection Unit (UNP), inadequate protection measures and widespread impunity for crimes.
The IACHR also highlighted persistent violence against journalists, especially those reporting on armed conflict, illegal economies, corruption, and peace processes in regions with significant criminal activity, such as Arauca and Putumayo. Between 2022 and 2024, seven journalists were killed and media outlets faced attacks, threats and harassment by illegal armed groups seeking to influence editorial lines.
High levels of impunity, inadequate investigations and insufficient protection mechanisms exacerbate these risks, creating an environment of fear that undermines freedom of expression. Stigmatisation by public officials further endangers journalists and fosters hostility. Journalists also reported barriers to accessing public information, with delays, incomplete responses and limited transparency hindering accountability.
While the government has taken steps to engage with mechanisms like the Special Rapporteurship for Freedom of Expression, comprehensive measures are urgently needed to protect journalists, combat impunity and uphold international standards on freedom of expression and access to information.
#CIDH presenta las observaciones preliminares de su visita in loco a #Colombia, llevada a cabo en abril de 2024. #CIDHEnColombia #DerechosHumanos
— CIDH - IACHR (@CIDH) June 19, 2024
Lee aquí: https://t.co/deaj7EzY4g pic.twitter.com/Qcegt1r0dl
UN Special Rapporteur reviews Colombia’s Indigenous rights situation
On 10th September 2024, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples, José Francisco Calí Tzay, issued a report following an official visit in March 2024 (A/HRC/57/47/Add.1). The report identified that despite the signing of the Peace Agreement, Indigenous peoples in Colombia continue to face severe human rights challenges, with armed conflict persisting in their territories. Sacred areas are affected by violence, and forced recruitment of Indigenous children remains a critical concern. Anti-personnel mines, used for intimidation and social control, further threaten these communities.
Transitional justice mechanisms, such as the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), have recognised Indigenous territories as victims, but critical cases remain stalled, delaying truth, justice and reparations. Economic exploitation and megaprojects exacerbate the situation, with mining and resource extraction causing environmental degradation, displacement and loss of cultural identity.
The Wayuu in La Guajira faces food insecurity and health crises due to excessive mining, while communities in the Amazon suffer from pollution and deforestation. Additionally, Indigenous governance structures have been undermined by external state systems and armed groups, leading to a loss of autonomy and increased dependency on non-traditional political frameworks. Indigenous leaders and spiritual authorities remain targets of violence, with over 320 leaders murdered since the Peace Agreement, and many cases unresolved.
The report recommended that the government urgently implement effective protection measures, uphold Indigenous autonomy and ensure meaningful consultation in policies affecting their communities. Comprehensive action is required to guarantee their rights to truth, justice, reparations and non-repetition.
Association
Human rights defenders targeted amid broken promises of peace
In Colombia, the unrelenting violence against human rights defenders signals profound failures in upholding fundamental freedoms. The country has once again been named the world’s deadliest country for environmental and land defenders, as reported by Global Witness’ 2023 report. In 2023, Global Witness recorded 79 murders of environmental activists, accounting for a staggering 40 per cent of all such killings globally. This grim total represents the highest annual count for a single country since the organisation began tracking these crimes in 2012. Over the past decade, 461 activists have been killed in Colombia, cementing its place as the most dangerous country for defenders of land and environmental rights.
According to the Institute for Development and Peace Studies (INDEPAZ), from 1st January to 22nd October 2024, 148 human rights defenders were killed. These killings, concentrated in regions prioritised under the Peace Agreement (see introduction), highlight the fragility of commitments to peace and the systemic risks faced by those advocating for their communities.
Leaders affiliated with community action boards and local political representatives are among those most at risk. Acting as vital intermediaries between local populations and the state or armed groups, their roles often place them squarely in the crosshairs of those vying for control. Violence is most acute in areas with a limited state presence, where armed conflict festers and disputes over illegal economies such as drug trafficking dominate. Departments such as Cauca, Antioquia and Valle del Cauca remain epicentres of violence.
Summaries of some of those cases are provided below:
- On 21st April, unidentified assailants shot and killed Narciso Beleño Belaides, a campesino leader, outside his home in the El Recreo neighbourhood, Santa Rosa del Sur, Bolívar Department. Beleño Belaides led the Agromining Federation of Southern Bolívar (FEDEAGROMISBOL) as its President and actively participated in the National Agrarian Coordinating Body (CNA). He advocated for campesino rights and land protection while opposing the activities of paramilitary and armed groups in the region. Earlier that day, Beleño Belaides publicly condemned a recent incursion by the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Gulf Clan). Over several decades, FEDEAGROMISBOL leaders have consistently reported threats, disappearances and killings targeting their members. The IACHR granted precautionary measures in 2009 to protect the organisation's leaders, yet these measures have failed to prevent ongoing attacks and threats.
1/3 Condenamos el homidicio de Narciso Beleño Belaides, presidente de Fedeagromisbol. Narciso se formó a pulso, y con sabiduría defendió derechos humanos, a pesar de sufrir persecusiones y estigmatización.
— ONU Derechos Humanos Colombia (@ONUHumanRights) April 22, 2024
- On 16th June, two hitmen shot Alba Rocío Riaño Nossa, vice-president of the Community Action Board of Verbenal Paraíso in Ciudad Bolívar, Bogotá, multiple times on a public road in the El Paraíso neighbourhood. Two bullets struck her skull. Medical personnel rushed her to Meissen Hospital, but she succumbed to her injuries on 24 June. Riaño Nossa had recently reported narcotics sales and criminal activity by armed groups in the El Verbenal neighbourhood. Armed groups, including Block 33 of the FARC dissidents and the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces, maintain a presence in Ciudad Bolívar and collaborate with criminal structures such as Los Boyacos and the San Andresito Office.
- On 25th June, unidentified assailants killed Luis Eduardo Vivas, a Nasa Indigenous ancestral scholar, in the Moras area of the Mosoco reservation, north of Páez, Cauca Department. The attackers shot him five times, leaving a note at the scene that read, “every witch is cleansed.” The region remains under the influence of armed groups, including the Dagoberto Ramos column of the Estado Mayor Central (EMC), a faction of FARC dissidents who rejected the Peace Agreement.
- On 27th June, two armed men on a motorcycle entered the home of Yoli María Toloza Cardoza, a member of the coordinating team of the Popular Women’s Organization (OFP) in Puerto Wilches, Santander Department, and shot her in the forehead. Toloza Cardoza was a women’s rights defender in Puerto Wilches and the Magdalena Medio region. Her home, located across from the regional headquarters of the OFP, also housed a clothing workshop where she conducted much of her activism. The killing highlights the severe risks faced by human rights defenders, particularly in regions influenced by the Gulf Clan.
On 29th August, armed individuals killed Carlos Andrés Ascué Tumbo, a 30-year-old Nasa Indigenous guard and anthropology student at the University of Cauca, at a petrol station in the El Pescador district of Caldono, Cauca Department. The attack occurred at approximately 4:30 p.m. as he travelled to pick up his wife and daughter from a swimming class. Ascué Tumbo served as the coordinator of the Indigenous guard and the pedagogical coordinator of the Local Educational Council of the Pueblo Nuevo Indigenous Reservation in the Sa’th Tama Kiwe territory. Illegal armed groups operating in the region, including Dagoberto Ramos Ortiz, Jaime Martínez and factions of the Jacobo Arenas bloc, had reportedly issued threats against him. Ascué Tumbo filed complaints with the Attorney General’s Office and requested protection measures from the National Protection Unit (UNP), but authorities did not provide safeguards.
- On 9th September, unknown assailants fatally stabbed cultural leader, ethno-touristic guide and rap artist Jermín Luis Padilla Valdez in María La Baja, Bolívar Department. Padilla Valdez was renowned for promoting the Palenque language and the history of the Palenquero people, dedicating himself to preserving and transmitting these cultural traditions to younger generations. The Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office had previously issued Early Warnings AT 033/23 and AT 019/23 for this area, highlighting the elevated risk to human rights defenders due to the social control exerted by illegal armed groups.
Killing attempts against human rights defenders
On 29th April 2024, armed assailants, reportedly linked to the Gulf Clan, attempted to kill Yoan Esteban Mazo Posada, an environmental defender and member of the Movimiento Ríos Vivos, in Alto de Chorrillos near Briceño, Antioquia Department. The attackers targeted him while he was travelling by motorcycle, causing severe injuries. Due to fear of retaliation, the local community delayed providing aid, leaving Mazo Posada without medical assistance for three hours.
This attack occurred in the context of sustained threats and displacement faced by Mazo Posada and other Ríos Vivos leaders, who have opposed the socio-environmental impacts of the Hidroituango hydroelectric project. The Movimiento Ríos Vivos has documented forced evictions, inadequate compensation, environmental degradation and health issues caused by the project. While the UNP granted protective measures to Mazo Posada in 2022, these measures were withdrawn in February 2024, leaving him unprotected.
The attempted kill forms part of a broader pattern of violence targeting Ríos Vivos members. In January 2024, leaders Richard Zapata, María Rojo Villa and Luz Ángela Agudelo received death threats. Since 2008, members of the movement have faced assassinations, intimidation and displacement, often linked to territorial disputes involving armed groups and economic interests tied to the Hidroituango project.
In a separate case, on 22nd May 2024, armed individuals attempted to kill María Eugenia Mosquera Riascos, a human rights defender, in Buenaventura, Valle del Cauca Department. The assailant approached her while she was walking, pointed a firearm at her head and chest and demanded her mobile phone. After firing a shot into the air, the assailant again aimed the weapon at her before fleeing.
Mosquera Riascos serves as the legal representative of Comunidades Construyendo Paz en Colombia (CONPAZCOL), a network that supports victims of armed conflict across 12 departments. She also contributes to the Roundtable for Access to Justice, Victims, Protection and Memory (Mesa de Acceso a la Justicia, Víctimas, Protección y Memoria) and plays a key role in the Buenaventura Civic Strike Committee.
For over 20 years, Mosquera Riascos has led peace-building initiatives, documented the impacts of armed conflict and facilitated restitution processes for affected communities. She monitors forced recruitment and supports ethnic communities experiencing violence. This assassination attempt occurred after a year in which armed actors murdered five members of CONPAZCOL and issued threats against others, including Mosquera Riascos, due to their work.
#Atención 🔴⚠️ | #EnDesarrollo | Con profunda preocupación reportamos que hace pocos minutos en #Buenaventura, María Eugenia Mosquera Riascos defensora de DDHH y Representante Legal de nuestra Asociación @ConpazCol_, fue abordada por un sujeto que se movilizaba en motocicleta,… pic.twitter.com/H5Oy38QsSj
— Conpazcol (@ConpazCol_) May 23, 2024
On 19th June 2024, unknown armed individuals fired seven shots at the security vehicle of Wayúu leader Armando Wouriyu Valbuena on the Santa Isabel–Curumaní road in Cesar Department. No injuries were reported. Wouriyu Valbuena serves as Secretary General of the High-Level Special Instance for Ethnic Peoples and is a member of the Follow-Up Committee on the recommendations of the Truth Commission.
Likewise, on 2nd July, assailants attempted to kill Wayúu Indigenous leader Javier Rojas Uriana, of the Association of Shipia, in Valledupar, Cesar Department, by targeting him with an explosive device. Rojas Uriana escaped uninjured. For over a decade, Rojas Uriana has championed the rights of the Wayúu people, Colombia’s largest Indigenous community, by raising awareness of the severe humanitarian crisis and territorial disputes in La Guajira (see introduction).
According to the National Indigenous Organisation of Colombia (ONIC), 2024 has seen 13 attacks, 28 homicides and nine threats against Indigenous leaders, primarily attributed to illegal armed groups.
Paramilitary threats in Urabá
Between April and June 2024, community leaders of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó in Urabá, Antioquia Department, reported intensified paramilitary activity, including death threats, surveillance and illegal detentions, exacerbating fears of renewed atrocities in this historically embattled region.
According to the InterReligious Task Force on Central America, paramilitaries threatened to “exterminate” the community, targeting Germán Graciano, the group’s legal representative, and convening meetings with local leaders to reinforce their intimidation campaign. These developments occur against the backdrop of the growing influence of the Gulf Clan.
The current wave of threats evokes painful memories of abuses tied to Chiquita Brands’ operations in Urabá during the late 1990s and early 2000s. The multinational corporation has been accused of providing financial support to the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC), a far-right paramilitary group notorious for its brutality. In June 2024, a Florida court issued a landmark ruling, holding Chiquita Brands accountable for financing the AUC even after the United States designated the group as a terrorist organisation in 2001. This verdict marks a significant step towards corporate accountability, as victims’ lawyers highlighted that it is the first time a U.S. jury has found a major corporation complicit in grave human rights violations abroad.
Threats against environmental defenders
On 17th April 2024, Bernardino Mosquera, an environmental defender and member of the Cuerpo Colegiado, found a 38mm bullet outside his home in Chocó. This act, widely perceived as a direct threat, occurred just one week after his participation in the Permanent Mining Roundtable in Quibdó (Mesa Minera Permanente del Chocó), where he reaffirmed his organisation's opposition to illegal mining activities in the Atrato River region.
This is not the first time Mosquera has faced intimidation. On 29th May 2022, a similar bullet was left at his doorstep, and community members have repeatedly warned him to halt his denunciations of illegal mining. Over the past decade, he has endured verbal threats and aggression.
In a separate case, on 10th September 2024, Jani Silva, president of the Association for the Integral Sustainable Development of the Amazonian Pearl (ADISPA), received a death threat via phone, including explicit plans to bomb the vehicle provided to ADISPA by the National Protection Unit (UNP). In a threatening tone, a man said, “we are going to blow you up along with the vehicle.” When Silva demanded the caller identify himself, the man responded, “That doesn’t matter, just follow the orders, or we’ll burn that vehicle.” Later that afternoon, unidentified individuals on high-speed motorcycles were seen near her home and the ADISPA office in Puerto Asís, Putumayo Department. Witnesses reported that the men appeared to be informing someone via their cell phones as they had observed the premises.
Silva has long championed sustainable development, reforestation and conservation in the Peasant Reserve Zone of La Perla Amazónica. Her advocacy has drawn threats from armed groups, including Comandos de la Frontera and Frente Carolina Ramírez, affiliates of Segunda Marquetalia and Estado Mayor Central, who compete for control of the coca economy in Putumayo. Although these groups are engaged in government dialogues under the "Total Peace" policy, territorial disputes have intensified since late 2023.
Despite individual and collective protection measures provided by the UNP, Silva and ADISPA have faced repeated security incidents documented by Amnesty International since 2017. These include illegal surveillance, death threats and assassination plots, which have significantly hindered Silva's leadership and jeopardised ADISPA’s efforts to protect the Peasant Reserve Zone’s sustainable practices and collective rights.
Informe – En riesgo inminente la vida e integridad de líder campesina JANI SILVA, beneficiaria de MC de la CIDH.https://t.co/9W6g3s2e0b
— Comisión de Justicia y Paz (@Justiciaypazcol) September 13, 2024
URGE que el gobierno del cambio adopte de inmediato las medidas necesarias para garantizar la vida e integridad de Jani Silva y de los lideres…
Targeted theft
On 31st May 2024, during a gathering of human rights defenders in Bogotá, the backpack of Alberto Yepes, coordinator of the Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Observatory (ODHDIH) within the Coordinación Colombia Europa Estados Unidos (CCEEU), was stolen in a meticulously planned operation. Security footage captured three people—a woman and two men—arriving in a high-end red vehicle, bypassing security controls and discreetly fleeing with the stolen item.
The backpack contained sensitive documentation on human rights cases, heightening concerns about the deliberate nature of the incident. According to civil society, this theft is not an isolated act. It forms part of a broader campaign of intimidation against Yepes, who has previously endured threats, home intrusions, drone surveillance and three similar thefts. Despite repeated complaints, investigations have yet to yield meaningful progress.
Colombia affirms commitment to environmental justice with landmark Escazú Agreement decision
On 28th August 2024, Colombia’s Constitutional Court declared the Escazú Agreement constitutional, solidifying the country’s commitment to access to environmental information and the protection of environmental defenders. This decision, which validates Law 2273 of 2022, marks a pivotal moment to strengthen the environmental rights and justice framework.
The Escazú Agreement is the first regional treaty to prioritise access to environmental information, public participation and justice in environmental matters across Latin America and the Caribbean. Ratified by 16 countries, it includes provisions to protect the lives and work of environmental defenders and aims to address environmental challenges through inclusive governance.
According to civil society, the Constitutional Court’s decision aligns with Colombia’s increasing role as a global leader in environmental governance. As the host of COP16 on Biodiversity in October 2024 under the theme “Peace with Nature”, Colombia can showcase its commitment to sustainable development, inclusive economic growth and biodiversity conservation. Furthermore, this ruling is consistent with the court’s robust jurisprudence on human rights and environmental protection. It reflects a commitment to creating a legal and institutional framework that enables sustainable resource management and the protection of vulnerable communities.
Expression
Killing of journalist
During the covered period, Colombia experienced a series of deadly attacks against journalists:
- On 14th April 2024, unknown assailants fatally shot Jaime Vásquez, a journalist known for exposing corruption on his Facebook page, three times while he sought refuge in a commercial establishment. At the time of the attack, he had a bulletproof vest and a bodyguard, though the UNP was reevaluating these protective measures. Authorities captured two suspects connected to his murder.
- On 22nd April 2024, attackers fatally assaulted Julio Zapata with a sharp weapon while he was at his home. Zapata founded San Rafael Online, where he published information of public interest and was the host of El Despertador.
- On 26th April 2024, gunmen fatally shot Hilton Eduardo Barrios multiple times inside a commercial establishment. Barrios was director of Ciudadanías — where he denounced alleged acts of corruption — and a community leader advocating for agrarian reform. Authorities formed a special investigative team to pursue the case and identify those responsible.
- On 30th April 2024, the IACHR condemned the three killings and urged the Colombian government to conduct thorough investigations and provide effective protection for journalists. “It also calls on the State to strengthen the protection mechanism and review the operation of security schemes and measures to ensure that they are effective and provide due protection to journalists who are at risk.”
- On 27th June 2024, armed individuals killed Jorge Méndez, a community journalist in a rural area of Tibú, Norte de Santander, near the Venezuelan border. Authorities found his body with gunshot wounds and signs of torture. Méndez managed the Facebook page “La Gabarra con una imagen diferente”, which highlighted positive aspects of the La Gabarra community and surrounding areas. With over 650,000 followers, the page aimed to offer a different perspective of the region, focusing on its strengths and potential.
#Colombia🇨🇴: asesinan al periodista Jorge Méndez en el noroeste del país
— FIP - América Latina y El Caribe (@FIP_AL) June 28, 2024
📢 El periodista Jorge Méndez Pardo fue asesinado en el departamento Norte de Santander, donde desarrollaba una labor de comunicación comunitaria. pic.twitter.com/ZdsdHTEjoP
Journalist faces escalating threats amid inadequate protection
Since 2023, journalist William Stiven Rojas Rincon has faced persistent threats due to his professional and leadership activities. He represents La Reacción Prensa and works in multiple media outlets. He also holds leadership positions in community and human rights organisations in Bogota.
These threats stem from his investigative journalism and leadership roles. On 4th December 2023, Rojas Rincon was threatened by two men on a motorcycle in the Quiroga neighbourhood, prompting him to file a report with the Attorney General’s Office (Case 521 Seccional Bogota) and request protection from the UNP. On 19th January 2024, he received a WhatsApp threat from a group identifying itself as “Los Satanás,” accompanied by a photo and a warning targeting his family and his journalistic activities: “Happiness and peace of mind have NO price. Take care of your family and your child. HP journalist, everyone must pay. Att: The Satanás.”The threats persisted in April 2024 via Instagram, but he was unable to save evidence due to a reported account reset.
On 6th May 2024, the UNP classified Rojas Rincón as at extraordinary risk, recommending initial measures including a bulletproof vest, a communication device and a bodyguard. Dissatisfied with these measures, which he deemed inadequate, Rojas Rincón requested stronger protections, including an armoured vehicle. The appeal, filed on 24th May 2024, went unanswered, prompting him to seek judicial intervention through a tutela action.
Despite these efforts, the threats escalated. On 2nd June 2024, he received another WhatsApp death threat, and on 8th July 2024, he reported being followed by a suspicious grey vehicle. Local police provided immediate assistance, but the sense of insecurity persisted.
By 11th July 2024, the threats intensified with warnings from another group, “Los Castros,” forcing Rojas Rincón to leave Bogotá. A court intervened on 17th July 2024, ordering the UNP to reassess his protection measures, but no significant improvements followed. On 25th July 2024, a pamphlet containing death threats was left on his motorcycle, further exposing the inadequacy of current safeguards.
In response to the worsening situation, the IACHR granted precautionary measures on 19th September 2024 for Rojas Rincón and his family. The IACHR found their rights to be at grave and urgent risk of irreparable harm.
Journalist faces threats after exposing paramilitary ties
On 9th October 2024, Nicolás Sánchez Arévalo, a journalist from Bogota, received continuous death threats for over 30 hours via Instagram after publishing investigative reports on paramilitarism and its ties to Colombian business entities, which he terms “paraeconomy.” The online harassment culminated in a direct message with a skull emoji, prompting Vorágine to halt its reporting on paramilitarism and narcotrafficking to protect its team. Sánchez, currently working for Vorágine, an independent media outlet in Colombia, has a history of uncovering sensitive topics, including paramilitary consolidation during his tenure at El Espectador.
The threats, issued by an account named the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (UAC), began shortly after Sánchez published articles implicating the multinational corporation Chiquita Brands in financing paramilitary activities. His reports also highlighted the testimonies of high-profile figures, including a former vice president, linking them to unresolved legal cases tied to this corporation.
The following day, Vorágine indefinitely suspended the publication of investigations related to drug trafficking and paramilitarism due to threats against the safety of its journalistic team.
According to the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), as of 31st October 2024, at least 183 threats against journalists have been recorded this year alone.
#AlertaFLIP 👇🏾🧵 El pasado jueves 10 de octubre, @VoragineCo decidió suspender sus publicaciones sobre paramilitarismo y narcotráfico a propósito de las amenazas que recibió el periodista @ANicolasSanchez. Desde entonces, hemos acompañado este caso. Reiteramos nuestro rechazo… pic.twitter.com/2cazEzVTKt
— Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP) (@FLIP_org) October 15, 2024
President Gustavo Petro faces criticism over alleged attacks on press freedom
President Gustavo Petro is under criticism for his alleged hostility towards investigative journalism, following contentious remarks directed at prominent journalists María Jimena Duzán and Vicky Dávila in June 2014. Both journalists have reported on alleged corruption and a lack of transparency within Petro’s administration, specifically implicating Andrés Sarabia, a close ally and the brother of Laura Sarabia, Director of the Administrative Department of the Presidency (DAPRE). Their investigations highlight potential irregularities in public procurement and contracts.
Petro’s response has been combative, accusing the journalists of fabricating stories and labelling their work as "Mossad journalism," a controversial term referencing the Israeli intelligence agency. Duzán, expressing both fear and disappointment, criticised Petro for attacking her instead of addressing the corruption allegations. Similarly, Dávila has faced public denigration from the president, intensifying tensions between the administration and the media.
The FLIP condemned Petro’s rhetoric, arguing that his attacks foster a hostile climate for journalists and undermine the government’s duty to protect press freedom. In a statement, FLIP highlighted that such generalised criticisms exacerbate the already precarious conditions under which Colombian journalists operate.
Catalina Botero, a legal expert and former Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression at the IACHR, also voiced concern. She described Petro’s actions as harmful to democracy, warning against the stigmatisation of critics, journalists and human rights defenders. Botero urged the president to consider the long-term implications of his approach to press relations.
On 7th July 2024, over 100 journalists published an open letter in El Espectador, urging Petro to respect press freedom. The letter characterised his actions as unconstitutional and harmful to democratic principles, stressing that the president has no authority to determine the quality of journalism or apply undue pressure on the media. It emphasised that freedom of expression is a cornerstone of democracy and demanded Petro’s unequivocal commitment to upholding this fundamental right.
In response, Petro denied any intention to undermine press freedom, framing his criticisms as legitimate responses to biased journalism. He dismissed the allegations as a mischaracterisation of his statements.
Coljuegos block non-gambling sites
Recent actions by Colombia’s Coljuegos to block websites have sparked significant concern over the legality, transparency and impact of such measures on access to information.
The most notable recent case involves Reddit, a widely used platform for community discussions and information exchange. Tests conducted with tools like OONI confirmed that on 3rd June 2024, Colombian internet service providers blocked access to Reddit using DNS and proxy-based mechanisms, actions linked to Coljuegos. Likewise, on 28th October 2024, Coljuegos blocked bitcoin.com and independent.co.uk.
Coljuegos, under Article 93 of Law 1753 of 2015, has the authority to block websites associated with unauthorised gambling. However, none of the three websites are gambling platforms, prompting scrutiny of the criteria and processes used by Coljuegos and the Ministry of Information Technology and Communications (MINTIC) to determine which sites are blocked.
Fundación Karisma, a civil society organisation that seeks to protect and promote human rights and social justice in the design and use of digital technologies, announced plans to file information requests with Coljuegos and MINTIC, seeking clarity on the criteria and procedures applied.
Court convicts former security chief for torture of journalist
On 23rd August 2024, in a landmark judgment, José Miguel Narváez, former Deputy Director of Colombia’s now-defunct secret police, the Administrative Department of Security (DAS), was convicted for aggravated psychological torture against journalist Claudia Julieta Duque. The ruling, delivered by Bogotá’s Tenth Specialised Criminal Court, highlights a decade-long campaign of persecution orchestrated by Narváez against Duque, marking the seventh conviction related to the harassment she endured.
Claudia Julieta Duque, an investigative journalist was subjected to psychological torture, including illegal surveillance, tracking and intimidation, forcing her into exile. Duque’s reporting on the 1999 assassination of journalist and satirist Jaime exposed the involvement of state agents in silencing dissent, including Narváez. Her investigation brought to light systemic abuses within the DAS, including illegal surveillance programs targeting journalists, human rights defenders and opposition figures.
Narváez, already serving a 26-year sentence for his role in Garzón’s murder, was identified as the principal architect of the DAS campaign against Duque. Although previously convicted of espionage, that case was nullified due to the statute of limitations.
The court also highlighted the gender-specific risks faced by Duque, acknowledging the intersection of her role as a journalist and a woman. This recognition represents a critical step in addressing gender-based violence and safeguarding women journalists. The court mandated economic and symbolic reparations for Duque, along with measures to ensure her safety and prevent further crimes.
This conviction is a significant milestone in Colombia’s ongoing battle against impunity for crimes against journalists and human rights defenders.
1/Saludamos la sentencia del Juzgado 10 Penal Especializado de #Bogotá que condena a José Miguel Narváez, subdirector del #DAS entre 2003 y 2004, por tortura agravada contra la periodista @JulieDuque1 @FranklinCastaV @MinInterior @MinjusticiaCo pic.twitter.com/2iBR4drUx0
— ONU Derechos Humanos Colombia (@ONUHumanRights) August 23, 2024
Press freedom in peril: Human rights violations against journalists
A recent report from the Ombudsman Office highlights the multifaceted challenges journalists endure in Colombia. From threats and physical attacks to precarious working conditions, the violations are as diverse as the perpetrators. Illegal armed groups, political actors and anonymous threats account for the majority of aggressions, while economic exploitation compounds the precariousness of journalistic work. Alarmingly, a significant percentage of journalists earn less than two million Colombian pesos per month, often without formal contracts or access to social protections.
Technology, often heralded as a tool for progress, presents both opportunities and risks. While artificial intelligence offers new resources, it also raises concerns about job displacement and the proliferation of misinformation. Cyber harassment is another growing menace, exacerbating the dangers faced by journalists operating in digital spaces.
Impunity for crimes against journalists remains one of the most significant barriers to progress. Between 1977 and 2020, 86 per cent of cases of violence against journalists went unresolved. This culture of impunity deters victims from reporting abuses and perpetuates cycles of violence.
Peaceful Assembly
New police force regulation
On 3rd October 2024, Colombia’s President issued Decree 1231, introducing new regulations for the proportional and differentiated use of force by the National Police. Emerging from dialogues between the Ministry of Defence, the National Police and social organisations, the decree signals a significant shift in the governance of police conduct. This initiative marks the first substantial governmental intervention in the National Police’s regulatory autonomy and highlights an unprecedented engagement between law enforcement, victims of abuse and human rights organisations.
The decree, developed with guidance from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Colombia, establishes dialogue as the foundation of police action. It redefines the use of force as a last resort, to be applied incrementally based on the resistance encountered. By codifying the principle of minimal state intervention, it underscores strict necessity and proportionality in maintaining public order. Key provisions include gradual use of force, command responsibility, and minimal Intervention, prioritising non-violent measures to reduce unnecessary harm.
According to civil society, while the decree represents a significant step forward, critical gaps remain in fully aligning police practices with human rights standards. The decree stops short of explicitly banning the use of lethal force in national legislation. Such a prohibition is vital to prevent human rights abuses, particularly in the context of social protests.
The concept of active resistance requires clearer guidelines to distinguish between legitimate expressions of dissent and justifications for police intervention. Passive and active resistance are fundamental to the exercise of democratic rights, necessitating due process safeguards in police procedures. Furthermore, precise, quantitative criteria for assessing strict necessity in the use of force must be developed. This includes specific guidelines on the use of weapons, ammunition and equipment to prevent abuse.
#ComunicadoPúblico
— Campaña Defender la Libertad (@DefenderLiberta) October 10, 2024
📢 La Mesa por la Reforma Policial reconoce la relevancia del Decreto 1231 en la Regulación del uso de la fuerza por parte de la Policía, ya que permite replantear y supervisar el accionar policial en consonancia con las garantías de los DDHH. @mindefensa
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Rally on Independence Day: mixed reactions to Petro's two years in office
On 7th August 2024, Colombia witnessed peaceful demonstrations across its cities as workers, teachers and citizens rallied together. These marches coincided with the anniversary of the Battle of Boyacá and marked the second year of President Gustavo Petro’s government. Participants expressed a mix of support for the administration’s labour policies and criticism of persistent injustices and corruption.
In Bogotá, thousands gathered in the iconic Plaza de Bolívar, the focal point of the protests. The Federation of Colombian Teachers (Fecode) shared a message on X: “No one said change would be immediate or simple; corruption and entrenched problems have been part of power structures for far too long. We must continue, as a nation, to fight for change.”