Freedom of association
In January 2025, CSO Meter—a project monitoring the situation of civil society in the Eastern Partnership region—published two analyses on the impact of recent legal changes on civil society in Ukraine. The first examines amendments to the framework on ultimate beneficial owners (UBOs), while the second assesses the effects of state financial oversight authorities classifying non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as high-risk for money laundering.
One of the analyses examines Orders No. 2542/5 and No. 2513/5/378, which came into effect in September 2024, introducing a new procedure for notifying authorities about inconsistencies in UBO information or ownership structures. CSO Meter experts explained that the increased scrutiny imposed by these rules “has created compliance and operational risks” for civil society organisations (CSOs), particularly under wartime conditions. Key concerns include the ability of unrelated individuals to report alleged discrepancies—creating opportunities for abuse and malicious targeting of CSOs—combined with the absence of mandatory verification by the Ministry of Justice or state registrars, which could lead to unjustified flags based on unsubstantiated claims. The experts also noted that the lack of distinction between minor technical errors and material inaccuracies could result in disproportionate penalties for minor mistakes, while marking information as “potentially inaccurate” in the Unified State Register could prompt banks to block CSO accounts, halting essential activities such as humanitarian aid, recovery projects, and military support.
A further area of concern relates to an October 2024 review by the State Financial Monitoring Service of Ukraine (SFMS) classifying CSOs as “high-risk entities” for financial misconduct, based on vague indicators such as operations near areas of military activity or links to politically exposed persons. CSO Meter noted that a previous “shadow” risk assessment by civil society had found the overall risk level for the sector to be low. It warned that the SFMS classification could restrict CSOs’ access to financial services, limit their ability to transfer funds, and hinder the operation of their bank accounts. The organisation further stressed that anti-money-laundering and counter-terrorism measures often obstruct access to resources for CSOs working in conflict zones, potentially jeopardising humanitarian efforts amid Russia’s ongoing aggression.
Freedom of peaceful assembly
On 2nd February 2025, the traditional “Free Azov” rally took place in central Kyiv, near the Taras Shevchenko National Opera and Ballet Theatre. Relatives and supporters of Ukrainian soldiers captured in Mariupol gathered to demand the swift release of prisoners held by Russia. Participants carried photos and banners bearing the names of missing soldiers, sharing personal stories of loss and uncertainty. Organised regularly since 2022, the “Free Azov” campaign aims to maintain public attention on the fate of those detained after the battle of Mariupol and to urge authorities to continue efforts to facilitate prisoner exchanges that would enable those captured to return to Ukraine.
On 26th February 2025, a small protest titled “America, Wake Up!” took place outside the US Embassy in Kyiv. Around ten demonstrators expressed distrust in US President Donald Trump and called for firm security guarantees for Ukraine amid ongoing war with Russia. Participants held banners criticising Trump’s stance towards Moscow and urged President Volodymyr Zelensky not to sign a proposed US-Ukraine minerals agreement without clear security commitments. The protest followed reports that Washington and Kyiv were preparing to finalise a deal involving revenue from Ukraine’s mineral resources, which critics say lacks sufficient guarantees for Ukraine’s defence and sovereignty.
A video circulating on social media falsely claimed that mass protests took place near the Presidential Office in Kyiv in 2025, with participants chanting anti-Zelensky slogans such as “Zelya out!” Vox Ukraine debunked the claim, confirming that no demonstrations have occurred there since Russia’s full-scale invasion, as the government quarter has been closed to the public since February 2022 and the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. According to Vox Ukraine’s analysis, the footage was most likely filmed on 19th January 2022 during a rally supporting former President Petro Poroshenko. The false post was first shared by businessman Roman Pokrovsky, and Vox Ukraine outlined other false claims he had previously circulated.
Freedom of expression
As of 14th January 2025, at least 31 civilian media workers remain illegally detained by the Russian Federation, according to the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU). The organisation also reported that one mobilised journalist was captured in combat and is currently in detention.
While many of those detained were arrested following Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, numerous others were abducted after the start of the full-scale invasion. The NUJU noted that journalists in the Zaporizhia region, particularly from Melitopol and surrounding districts, have faced widespread persecution. According to the Institute of Mass Information, 112 Ukrainian journalists have been held captive by Russian forces since the invasion began.
NUJU head Serhiy Tomilenko stated that these actions constitute violations of international humanitarian law. The organisation urged the international community to increase pressure on Russia to secure the release of all detained journalists and called on the Ukrainian government to strengthen diplomatic and negotiation efforts with the involvement of international organisations and platforms.
Ukrainian journalist Victoria Roshchyna died in unclear circumstances while in Russian custody, as confirmed by both Russian and Ukrainian authorities in October 2024. Roshchyna, a freelance reporter for Ukrainska Pravda and other outlets, went missing in July 2023 after travelling to Russian-occupied southeastern Ukraine to report from the region. Russian officials later confirmed she was detained, though no charges or location were disclosed. Reports suggest she was held in Taganrog before dying on 19th September, possibly while being transferred to Moscow. Ukrainian authorities have opened a war crimes investigation.
On 26th February 2025, Ukraine’s Ministry of Culture announced that from 3rd March, male journalists, artists, and other cultural workers would no longer be able to use exit permits allowing travel abroad for official missions deemed to be in the country’s national interest. The Ministry said over 500 men had failed to return after such missions. On 4th March, the Ministry said it had adopted stricter rules and would resume issuing permits under the revised system.
In January and February 2025, Ukrainian media outlets faced a wave of bomb threats and cyberattacks. On 6th January, Alona Bereza, founder of the Khmelnytskiy outlet Zhar.Info, received emails claiming explosives had been planted at her office and six other locations, though police confirmed no devices were present. Similar emailed threats targeted journalist Olha Bulkovska of Rayon.in.ua on 20th January and several outlets—including Pershiy Krivorizkiy, Volynski Novyny, Syla Pravdy and the Institute of Mass Information (IMI)—between 28th January and 20th February.
In addition to bomb threats, the same period saw media outlets targeted by hacking and cyberattacks. On 17th January, the state-owned TV channel Freedom experienced a DDoS attack, reportedly originating from around 80 countries and attributed to Russian hackers, which temporarily hindered access to its website. Ukrainska Pravda’s YouTube channel was also hacked, while Ukrainer suffered a damaging DDoS attack.
At the same time, Ukrainian journalists also faced attacks attributed to Russian forces while reporting from the frontlines and inside Ukraine. On 17th January, journalist Marharyta Potapova of Ukrainian Witness and camera operator Oleksandr Davydenko came under fire near Ukrainian army positions in Zaporizhia when a Russian drone dropped a grenade close to their car. Both escaped unharmed, though Potapova suffered temporary hearing loss.
Less than two weeks later, on 28th January, freelancers Inna Varenytsia and Zoryana Stelmakh narrowly avoided injury when a Russian drone exploded near their unmarked vehicle outside Pokrovsk, Donbass. Varenytsia later said Russian forces had also attacked other clearly marked press vehicles nearby.
On 4th February, a TSN crew from TV channel 1+1 came under Russian fire near Vovchansk in the Kharkiv region while filming Ukrainian drone operators. Camera operator Pavlo Borysko was wounded, and journalist Oleksandr Motorniy escaped uninjured. Ukrainian prosecutors have since opened a war crimes investigation into the attack.
Just over a week later, on 12th February, Russian missile strikes on Kyiv damaged several media offices, including those of ATR, the Crimean Tatar TV channel, and the state foreign broadcasting service Inomovlennya. ATR’s deputy director alleged the channel was deliberately targeted after its offices sustained severe blast damage, though no casualties were reported.
In addition to attacks linked to Russian forces, Ukrainian journalists faced intimidation and physical assaults outside combat zones, highlighting broader risks to media freedom. On 3rd February 2025, journalist Yevhen Plinskiy claimed to have obtained a recording implicating Ukrainian businessman Ihor Zotko in plans to organise his beating with two Russian associates, Dmitry Punin and Marina Ilyina. The recording, presented in a Kyiv court, allegedly captured them discussing funding and logistics for the assault. Zotko denies the accusations.
On 5th February 2025, journalist Victoria Dmytrenko of My Ukraina was assaulted while reporting from a Kyiv court. Video footage shows a woman, reportedly related to a murder suspect, slapping Dmytrenko, seizing her phone, and throwing it to the ground. The journalist filed a complaint for assault and obstruction of her work.
Journalists have also faced obstruction and interference from state authorities. On 28th January 2025, Ukraine’s security service (SBU) launched a criminal investigation against Ukrainska Pravda for allegedly disclosing state secrets. The probe followed the outlet’s report quoting military intelligence chief Kyrylo Budanov from a closed parliamentary meeting. Ukrainska Pravda denied wrongdoing, insisting it acted lawfully and upheld journalistic standards.
At the local level, restrictions on access to information and public events also persisted. On 19th February 2025, journalist Valeria Tokar from Dnipro.Media was denied normal access to a Dnipro city council session. Guards directed her to a balcony reserved for journalists, sealed off with plexiglass, preventing them from hearing or asking questions. Meanwhile, reporters from the city-owned Dnipro TV were allowed inside the session hall without restrictions. On 28th January in Kirovohrad region, journalist Anna Dobran of Tochka Dostupu reported that the Dolyn city council in Kirovograd region refused her request for information on the council’s purchase of a private car. Dobran told the Institute of Mass Information (IMI) that ignoring such requests is “typical” for local authorities. Similarly, on 22nd January 2025, the online outlet Format said nine municipalities in the same region ignored its information requests on officials’ salaries and bonuses, prompting the editor to consider appealing to Ukraine’s parliamentary human rights ombudsman.
Meanwhile, on 17th January 2025, TV channel Espreso said it had been offered a bribe to delete an article on Ukraine’s Defence Procurement Agency purchasing outdated anti-tank mines. Espreso refused the proposal, which came via intermediaries. The agency denied involvement, calling the bribe attempt an effort to discredit it, and filed a complaint with unspecified law enforcement.