"Agents of influence" bill reintroduced; protests repressed, press freedom under attack

Introduction

In the 31st March 2024 local elections, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) faced its most significant defeat since coming to power 20 years ago, securing only 35.49% of the national vote. The opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) emerged as the leading party with 37.74%, expanding its influence beyond traditional urban strongholds into areas previously dominated by the AKP. The CHP won 36 out of 81 municipalities, including major victories in Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Bursa and Antalya, Turkey's five largest cities.

Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu delivered a particularly decisive win. This solidified his standing as a prominent opposition figure and a key rival to Erdoğan, who is not eligible for reelection under the current Constitution, and termed the March elections as his political “finale” before 2028, when the next general and presidential elections will be held. However, İmamoğlu's political future remains uncertain due to a 2022 court ruling that sentenced him to over two years in prison and imposed a political ban. The criminal case stems from İmamoğlu’s first victory in the mayoral election, when the AK Party complained of alleged irregularities and forced a rerun, only to see İmamoğlu win a second time with an even bigger margin. The mayor-elect described the cancellation of the first round as “stupidity" and was subsequently charged with insulting Turkey’s Supreme Electoral Council. İmamoğlu has appealed against the judgement, but the pending decision casts doubt on the growing momentum of the opposition.

According to the Associated Press, almost 600,000 security personnel were deployed across the country to ensure the regular administration of the elections amid tensions. Nevertheless, the vote was not without incident: In the city of Diyarbakır, one person was killed and 11 others injured in a violent clash that began in connection with the election of a neighbourhood administrator, and at least six people were injured in clashes in the nearby province of Şanlıurfa.

Freedom of association

Foreign agent law

In 2024, The Turkish government reintroduced the controversial "agents of influence" bill, which was initially removed from the 9th Judicial Package in 2023 following strong opposition from political parties and civil society.

First introduced in May, the bill was postponed until October due to intense criticism. The proposed law seeks to establish a new crime targeting actions deemed “against the security or political interests of the state.” Those who commit a crime “against the security or internal or external political interests of the state in line with the strategic interests or instructions of a foreign state or organisation” could face prison sentences ranging from three to seven years.

Over 90 civil society organisations signed an open letter calling on MPs to reject the bill, criticising it as overly vague and open to abuse, and warning it risks criminalising legitimate civil society activities in defence of human rights. Meanwhile, Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç defended the legislation, stating that its purpose is to address genuine cases of espionage and assuring critics that it would not broadly criminalise activities such as academic research.

The law was approved by the parliament’s justice committee at the end of October.

“Judicial coup” over Constitutional Court ruling to release jailed opposition MP

In November 2023, Turkey’s Supreme Court of Cassation filed a criminal complaint against members of the Constitutional Court, accusing it of exceeding its authority after the latter ordered the release of opposition MP Can Atalay, citing violations of his rights to liberty and political participation. Legal experts have deemed the complaint an “unprecedented act in the constitutional history of Turkey,” as the dispute over the opposition lawmaker’s imprisonment, which continues to date, has pushed the country into a constitutional crisis.

Atalay, a Workers’ Party MP and human rights lawyer, was sentenced in 2022 to 18 years in prison for his involvement in the 2013 Gezi Park protests. Amnesty International has recognised him as a prisoner of conscience. Following his election to Parliament in May 2023 and after lower courts rejected multiple requests for release in order to perform his duties as an MP, the Constitutional Court ultimately ruled in his favour in October 2023. However, the Supreme Court of Cassation did not comply and instead instructed the Speaker of Parliament to initiate proceedings to revoke Atalay’s lawmaker status.

Under Turkey's constitution, the Constitutional Court is the highest legal authority, and its rulings are final and non-appealable. Legal experts have noted that the Constitutional Court explicitly directed the first-instance court in Istanbul to issue Atalay’s release order without delay. Despite this, the lower court deferred the case to the Court of Cassation. The move has been widely criticised by opposition parties, legal experts, and the Turkish Bar Association as a judicial “coup.” However, President Erdoğan and his nationalist allies have supported the Court of Cassation and called for the abolition of the Constitutional Court instead.

A back and forth continued between the Court of Cassation and the Constitutional Court in the following months, with the Constitutional Court finding in favour of Atalay’s applications, and the Court of Cassation ruling not to comply with the judgments. On 30th January, Atalay was stripped of his status as a parliamentary deputy by a vote in parliament. In August 2024, the Constitutional Court declared the parliament's decision to revoke Atalay's mandate “null and void”. Despite these rulings, as of November 2024, Atalay remains imprisoned. On 16th September 2024, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) requested an official response from the Turkish government regarding his ongoing detention.

LGBTQI+ organisation closes office due to terror threat

In April 2024, KAOS GL, a prominent Turkish LGBT organisation, announced it had temporarily closed its office and cultural centre in Ankara due to security concerns related to a leaked internal letter from Turkey's counter-terrorism agency warning of possible ISIS attacks on public institutions and NGOs. Although the organisation contacted the Ankara Police and the Gulhane Military Academy, these authorities stated that they had not received the document. However, unofficial sources confirmed the existence of the letter as “internal correspondence.”

The document, dated 29th March and circulated on the internet in April, was described as “urgent” and an “action warning,” prompting KAOS GL to request urgent protection and further clarification from several authorities, including the Prime Minister's Office, the General Staff of the Turkish Armed Forces and the Ankara Governor's Office.

According to the CSO LGBTI Equal Rights Association for Western Balkans and Turkey (LGBTI ERA), despite their appeals, KAOS GL did not receive adequate protection. Some local police suggested increasing the number of patrols, but admitted that they lacked the resources for special security measures. This uncertainty and the lack of an official response caused unease among staff, members and volunteers. As a precautionary measure, the organisation decided to close its office temporarily while continuing its work and activities remotely.

Freedom of peaceful assembly

Protests over mayor dismissals

Following the local elections, protests erupted across Turkey's south-eastern cities at the beginning of April after the election victory of Abdullah Zeydan, a pro-Kurdish DEM party candidate in Van, was annulled in favour of an AK Party candidate who had received less than half Zeydan’s votes. Regional officials in Van overturned Zeydan's win, citing a prior conviction related to a 2016 crackdown on pro-Kurdish politicians, despite a court ruling that had allowed him to run. Demonstrators in Van defied a protest ban, clashing with riot police who deployed tear gas and water cannon. The unrest quickly spread to other cities, including Izmir and Istanbul, as opposition parties condemned the annulment. The secular CHP called the move a disgrace, while the DEM party labelled it a "political coup," demanding respect for the voters' will. Amid mounting pressure, Turkey's Supreme Election Council overturned the annulment on 3rd April, reinstating Zeydan’s victory. In response to the protests, the Governorate Office in Van province imposed a two-week ban on all protests, gatherings and similar events.

On 3rd June, Turkish authorities arrested and removed Mehmet Sıddık Akış, the Kurdish mayor of Hakkâri province, over alleged ties to terrorism, replacing him with the provincial governor. Following the arrest, the governor's office imposed a 10-day ban on protests and public gatherings to pre-empt potential unrest. The DEM Party condemned the move as a "coup against democracy" and accused the government of fabricating charges. Despite the protest ban, demonstrations erupted in Hakkâri the next day, with protesters decrying Akış's removal as an attack on democratic freedoms. Security forces intervened using tear gas and rubber bullets, leading to multiple injuries and arrests, as eyewitnesses reported violent clashes. The police targeted both DEM Party members and local residents who defied the ban on protests.

On 30th October, Ahmet Özer, the CHP mayor of Istanbul's Esenyurt district, was arrested on suspicion of having links to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). His home, his vehicle and his office in the municipality were searched on the same day. Hundreds of protesters gathered in Istanbul the next day to protest Özer’s arrest.

Labour day protests

In April 2024, the Istanbul Governor’s Office reaffirmed its ban on May Day demonstrations on Taksim Square, which has been in place since 2013, on the grounds that public safety was at risk - despite a ruling by the Constitutional Court in December 2023 that declared the ban unconstitutional. Taksim Square, a powerful symbol of labour rights tied to the 1977 tragedy where 34 demonstrators were killed, remained a focal point of contention. Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya announced the square would be closed for protests in order to stop “terrorist organisations” from using it for “propaganda”.

On 1st May, Turkish police detained over 200 protesters, using tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse crowds attempting to gather at the square despite the ban. More than 40,000 officers were deployed, erecting barricades to block access to the area and nearby streets. Clashes erupted in the Sarachane district near city hall, with police using force to prevent demonstrators from breaching the barriers. Interior Minister Yerlikaya shared information on the number of detainees on X (formerly Twitter), stating “210 people were detained in Istanbul after failure to heed our warnings and attempting to walk to the Taksim Square and attack our police officers on May 1 Labour and Solidarity Day.”

Palestine protests

Since the beginning of the Israeli war in Gaza, some of the world's largest demonstrations in support of Palestine have taken place in Istanbul. Despite the Turkish government publicly taking a strongly pro-Palestinian stance, restrictions on pro-Palestinian protests and reprisals against activists critical of both Israel’s actions and the government were recorded.

• In October 2023, protesters clashed with police at a demonstration staged after almost 500 Palestinians were killed in a hospital explosion. The governor’s office in Istanbul announced that five people were arrested, one citizen died of a heart attack and 63 people, including 43 police officers, were injured when protesters attempted to besiege the US and Israeli diplomatic missions.
• In November 2023, Turkish police used tear gas and water cannons to disperse a pro-Palestinian rally outside the Incirlik airbase, hours before U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken's visit to Ankara. Hundreds of protesters, organised by the IHH humanitarian relief fund, waved Palestinian flags near the air base, which houses U.S. forces, before clashes ensued as some reportedly attempted to approach the facility.
• In April 2024, 43 people were detained at a protest organised by the group 1000 Youth for Palestine, where demonstrators demanded Turkey cease trade with Israel. The protesters accused the police of using excessive force, alleging protesters were beaten even after being handcuffed.
• Five pro-Palestinian activists were arrested after chanting “Murderous Israel, collaborator Erdoğan” during the banned May Day demonstration. The members of the group were among dozens of people arrested during house searches following the May Day events. They were eventually released after 25 days in custody.
• A Palestinian university student was detained in Istanbul and threatened with deportation after protesting Turkey's involvement in Azerbaijan's oil trade with Israel during the premiere of TRT World’s documentary Holy Redemption on 24th August. The student, part of the 1000 Youth for Palestine movement, criticised Turkey's oil pipeline partnership with Azerbaijan, accusing it of complicity in Israeli actions against Palestinians, and was subsequently sent to the Arnavutköy Removal Center. Holding both Palestinian and Jordanian citizenship, the student's potential repatriation remains under review.
• In September, two additional Palestinian activists from the group 1000 Youth for Palestine were arrested under threat of deportation for holding up a banner reading “Erdogan stop feeding oil to Zionists! End complicity on genocide!” during a talk show on TRT News.
• On 7th October 2024, marking the anniversary of the beginning of the conflict, 1000 Youth for Palestine organised protests in several Turkish cities, including a march in Istanbul from Şişhane to the İstanbul Provincial Trade Directorate. Police blocked the march with barricades, using pepper spray and physical force, and briefly abducted a demonstrator, Yüsra Sumeli, before returning her after intervention from the movement’s lawyer. In Ankara, nearly 20 members were arrested after the demonstration ended and were released later the same night. Nine days later, on the night between 16th and 17th October, 18 others were detained and charged with resisting police, before being released the following day.

Turkish LGBTQI+ community resists bans on Pride events

As reported by ILGA Europe, the 2024 Pride season in Turkey faced widespread government bans on LGBTQI+ events and harsh police repression, undermining freedom of assembly and expression. Despite these challenges, activists adapted their tactics to evade arrests.

• In Eskişehir on 9th June, ten LGBTQI+ activists were detained and reportedly tortured, with four referred to court for arrest before being released.
• In Ankara on 12th June, Pride organisers successfully circumvented police barricades and water cannon by altering the route, avoiding arrests altogether. Similarly, Izmir’s Pride march on 29th June was rescheduled to prevent police intervention.
• In Istanbul, heavy police presence marked Trans Pride on 23rd June, with metro stations closed, roadblocks set up, and hundreds of officers deployed. Organisers opted for symbolic acts, such as displaying trans flags publicly, avoiding a mass march. Two individuals were detained while sitting in a café. During Istanbul Pride on 30th June, district governors banned events in Şişli and Kadıköy, and the Istanbul Governorship blocked access to Taksim Square. Activists relocated their march to Bağdat Street on the city’s Anatolian side. Despite initial success, police dispersed the march after ten minutes, detaining 11 participants, including three minors handcuffed in violation of child protection laws. All detainees were released within eight hours.
• In Antalya, Pride events faced a total ban from 1st-15th July. Defying the prohibition, activists held a march on 14th July, which police attacked, detaining four participants.

Across Turkey, the Pride season has shown that LGBTQI+ activism continues to face increasing repression: Hundreds of officers were deployed, dozens arrested and events systematically obstructed.

Anti-Syrian riots

In July 2024, riots broke out in the Melikgazi region of Turkey after the arrest of a Syrian man accused of abusing a seven-year-old girl, with Turkish residents vandalising Syrian-owned property and calling for the expulsion of Syrian refugees from the country. Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya and President Erdoğan condemned the violence and rising xenophobia, linking it to opposition rhetoric. The Interior Minister announced on X that over 470 individuals were detained.

The unrest triggered retaliatory protests across the border in opposition-controlled areas of north-western Syria, including regions under Turkish-backed forces. Hundreds of Syrian demonstrators, some armed, took to the streets, tearing down Turkish flags, attacking Turkish trucks, and attempting to storm the Jarablus crossing. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, four people were killed and 20 injured in “exchanges of fire” with Turkish guards during the clashes.

Protests erupt denouncing violence against women

In October 2024, protests erupted across Turkey, including in major cities like Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir, following the murder of two 19-year-old women in Istanbul. Hundreds of demonstrators, primarily women, condemned the government’s handling of gender violence, with chants criticising President Erdoğan and his AKP party. The rallies, organised by women’s rights groups, highlighted the country’s ongoing struggle with femicide, citing over 299 murders of women this year and Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention in 2021, which mandated protection against violence. The protests continued daily for a week, fuelled by widespread anger at systemic failures to protect women.

Freedom of expression

Press freedom continuously under attack

Turkey ranks 158th on the Reporters Without Borders (RSF) World Press Freedom Index in 2024, up from 165th last year. According to RSF, however, the slight rise is not due to the improvement in press freedom in the country, but to regression in other countries. In particular, the watchdog pointed to the violence to which journalists were subjected in the period surrounding the elections in May.

In 2024 alone, the Media Freedom Rapid Response consortium recorded over 100 violations of press freedoms in Turkey. These include:

Physical attacks and excessive force

On 31st March 2024, journalists from Anadolu Agency, Demirören News Agency and İhlas News Agency were shot at while covering a ballot box dispute in Diyarbakır’s Sur district. Although a bullet struck Anadolu Agency’s vehicle, the journalists escaped unharmed.

Earlier, on 17th March 2024, AFP journalist Eylül Deniz Yaşar was detained during Istanbul’s Newroz celebrations. Despite presenting her press card, she faced severe verbal and physical abuse, including threats to cut out her tongue for her reporting. Yaşar plans to file a criminal complaint after witnessing similar mistreatment of other detainees, including a 14-year-old girl.

On 5th February 2024, Azim Deniz, editor of Deniz Postası, was shot outside his home. The suspect, arrested and charged with attempted homicide and weapons violations, was initially jailed but controversially released in June. Deniz, previously attacked in 2022, continues to face threats.

On 18th January 2024, A Haber reporter Ahmet Nazif Vural and cameraman Hüseyin Koçak were assaulted while covering bribery detentions at Istanbul’s Büyükçekmece Municipality. Prosecutors launched an investigation for intentional injury, leading to the detention of three suspects.

Journalists criminalised – raided, detained, prosecuted

Turkey ranked as the 10th worst jailer of journalists globally in the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) 2023 annual prison census, with 13 journalists imprisoned—its most favourable ranking in nearly a decade. This figure represents a sharp decline from 40 journalists jailed the previous year. Historically, Turkey has vied with China for the top position in CPJ's rankings, claiming first place five times in recent years (2012, 2013, 2016, 2017, and 2018), reflecting a long-standing crackdown on press freedom.

Despite the reduced numbers, experts caution against interpreting this as a genuine improvement in media freedom. Barış Altıntaş, co-director of the Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), noted that the government tightly controls the number of arrested journalists and could escalate detentions at any time. While dozens have been released since 2022, many remain under investigation or face pending trials, according to CPJ’s research.

On 28th September 2024, journalists Kadir Cesur and Ruşen Takva were detained near the Iran-Turkey border. While reporting on Iran's plan to deport Afghan refugees, they mistook a military outpost for a shepherd's tent, and were detained for five hours for “violating a military security zone” despite no warning signs being present in the area. Cesur’s camera was confiscated even though he didn’t take any footage. Both were released without charge.

On 26th September 2024, journalist İrfan Uçar faced charges of "membership in a terrorist organisation," risking up to 15 years in prison. The indictment cited his journalistic activities, including interviews, research, and books in his library, as evidence against him. Additionally, his communications with colleagues and reporting on prison hunger strikes were deemed "terrorist propaganda."

On 25th September 2024, Mezopotamya Agency reporter Ahmet Kanbal faced his third investigation for reporting on two men killed in April 2023 who the Turkish government claimed were members of the proscribed Kurdistan Workers' Party. While two prior investigations were dismissed, he is now accused of "disseminating misleading information." The previous day, Kurdish journalist Rabia Önver’s home was raided, following investigative reports on alleged criminal activities linked to local authorities. She was subsequently placed under investigation for "spreading disinformation." Earlier in September, journalist Medine Mamedoğlu was questioned on similar charges over her coverage of village fires. The investigation continued even after Mamedoğlu provided video evidence of the fires.

On 20th August 2024, Gerçek Gündem correspondent Altan Sancar was investigated for "inciting hatred and enmity among the public" due to his coverage of alleged election irregularities. On 25th July 2024, Mezopotamya Agency journalist Ömer Akın faced legal action for reporting on soldiers being transported to Şırnak to vote during local elections.

On 28th March 2024, Etkin News Agency (ETHA) editor Pınar Gayıp and shareholder Mehmet Acettin were sentenced to prison terms for "denigrating the state." Gayıp’s six-month sentence was suspended; Acettin received seven months without suspension due to prior convictions. The charges stemmed from an interview with a victim of sexual abuse, which reportedly included criticisms of the state.

On the same day, BirGün managing editor Uğur Koç was sentenced to nearly a year for "insulting the president" in a 2020 article, over a news item that included a picture of President Erdoğan in the background. The court suspended his sentence.

Threats, intimidations and discreditation

On 1st October 2024, MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli issued veiled threats against Halk TV journalists Şule Aydın, Barış Pehlivan, Murat Ağırel and Timur Soykan over their reporting on the assassination of former far-right leader Sinan Ateş. During a parliamentary meeting, Bahçeli warned critics to "mind their step," implying consequences for those scrutinising the party.

On 16th September 2024, Bilal Erdoğan, son of President Erdoğan, verbally attacked journalist Fatih Altaylı during a "Human Rights Training Camp" in Kocaeli, accusing him of hypocrisy and calling him "immoral."

On 3rd September 2024, Mezopotamya Agency reporter Fırat Can Arslan faced death threats from MHP and Grey Wolves members after alleging the group controlled municipal institutions in Kars. High-ranking members made chilling references to "yellow bags" for body disposal. Arslan filed a criminal complaint. That same day, journalist Murat Ağırel reported a death threat via a video featuring masked individuals claiming a contract had been placed on his life. Police later detained two suspects.

On 20th August 2024, Sözcü correspondent Evren Demirdaş was attacked online by the chairman of Ziver Holding, Veysel Demirci, after reporting on multi-million government contracts with one of their companies. Demirdaş plans to file a lawsuit over the threats and defamation.

Journalists were also intimidated through malicious lawsuits for defamation and similar offences. On 8th August 2024, Cumhuriyet journalist Barış Pehlivan faced a lawsuit seeking nine years in prison for reporting on a prosecutor’s alleged links to a FETÖ-affiliated group. Days earlier, Halkbank sued BirGün and journalist Timur Soykan for 1 million Turkish Lira (around 29,000 USD) over articles about the bank’s alleged loans to a criminal organisation based on a report by the Financial Crimes Investigation Board. In July 2024, during the Sinan Ateş murder trial, lawyers for the MHP petitioned the court for the party to be recognised as a “victim” in the case, accusing 154 individuals, including journalists and academics, of slander. The court rejected the petition.

Censorship

Restrictions on accessing social media platforms

Turkey blocked the social media platform Instagram on 2nd August, accusing it of failing to comply with national laws and sensitivities, including allegations of censorship on posts about the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh. After protests from users and small businesses and negotiations with Instagram's parent company Meta, the government restored access on 10th August, marking the longest recent ban of a major social media platform in the country.

Five days after the Instagram ban, the government extended internet restrictions by banning the popular online gaming platform Roblox, citing reports of inappropriate sexual content, perceived as exploiting children. As of October 2024, the ban on Roblox was still in place. Also in October, Turkish Justice Minister Yilmaz Tunc announced that Discord, an instant messaging and social media platform, had been blocked in Turkey by a court order due to “sufficient suspicion of the crimes of child sexual abuse and obscenity.”

On 23rd October 2024, all major social media platforms, including X, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Telegram and TikTok, were blocked following a deadly attack on the headquarters of the Turkish aviation and defence company near the capital Ankara, before being reinstated the next day.

Restrictions on media outlets and journalistic content

On 16th October 2024, Turkey’s broadcast regulator RTÜK revoked the terrestrial broadcasting licence of independent station Açık Radyo, shutting it down. The station had been penalised in May after a guest on its programme referred to the Armenian genocide, resulting in a fine and a five-day suspension for allegedly inciting hatred. Although Açık Radyo resumed broadcasting after paying the fine, RTÜK later deemed the sanction violated and decided to revoke the licence in July.

On 21st August 2024, a court blocked access to Mezopotamya Agency’s website for the 36th time, confirmed by Turkey's Information and Communication Technologies Authority.

On 13th August 2024, an Istanbul court censored an article by journalist İsmail Arı alleging tax evasion by a company owned by the Turkish President’s son, citing "violation of personal rights." On 20th August, news about the censorship, reported by Free Web Turkey, was also censored.

On 7th August 2024, Gaziosmanpaşa 1st Criminal Court banned access to a Cumhuriyet article detailing high levels of press censorship and corruption-related reports, citing similar reasons. It also blocked Bianet's Media Observation Report after stock trader Nihat Özçelik claimed it violated his "right to be forgotten" by linking him to allegations of market manipulation and bribery.