Freedom of association
2025: A year of extensive challenges for civic space in Armenia
Multiple observer reports have identified 2025 as a difficult year for civil society and democracy in Armenia. In the analysis “2025: A Year of Democratic Backsliding in Armenia”, part of the Democracy Watch initiative by CivilNet and the Regional Center for Democracy and Security, Tigran Grigoryan argues that 2025 marked a significant democratic regression in the country, describing the current government as having “evolved into a classic post-Soviet administrative resource party” reliant on state resources, law enforcement and the judiciary to maintain power. He highlights illegal wiretapping, blackmail, politically motivated prosecutions, and the selective application of justice as evidence of growing impunity and institutional decay. Grigoryan also notes the consolidation of executive power around Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, increasing pressure on independent media, the stigmatisation of Nagorno-Karabakh refugees, and the use of security narratives to justify anti-democratic practices.
Regarding civic space, Grigoryan’s analysis highlights challenges to press freedom, with high-ranking officials using legal and rhetorical means to discredit and intimidate independent publications such as CivilNet and the Armenian service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), as well as the public broadcaster’s ongoing pro-government bias. Commenting on civil society, the analysis notes a lack of resistance to the consolidation of executive power, and observes that some segments of civil society have begun to tacitly accept or even justify authoritarian practices in the name of perceived “higher” goals. According to Grigoryan, this internal fracturing undermines civil society organisations (CSOs)' ability to act as cohesive forces defending democratic rights and values. At the same time, some initiatives have continued to support civic participation and public awareness, including civic education projects and programmes aimed at strengthening CSOs' capacity and defending transparency.
Other reports also confirm challenges for civil society. During the year, freedom of expression and justice were increasingly compromised, according to the event “The Civil Society Environment in Armenia in 2025” organised by the Transparency International Anticorruption Centre (TIAC). The 2025 Armenia country report, prepared by TIAC as part of the CSO Meter monitoring initiative and released during the event, indicates that although 2025 saw some legal reforms and cooperation initiatives between the authorities and civil society, there has been a deterioration in key areas such as freedom of expression, privacy rights, and digital rights compared to 2024. However, the overall rating of the CSO environment remained unchanged, and core issues highlighted by the monitor in previous years continued to persist.
According to the report, among the positive developments, new regulations have expanded opportunities for CSO participation, while the newly established Participatory and Open Government Department is expected to strengthen cooperation between civil society and state institutions. However, the lack of mechanisms for early engagement in law and policy-making continues to limit meaningful participation in decision-making. At the same time, CSO financial sustainability has deteriorated due to insufficient funding incentives, unresolved issues regarding state support, the suspension of US foreign assistance, and declining donor funding.
In terms of context, the report highlighted that Armenia’s political environment in 2025 was shaped by rising tensions ahead of the 2026 elections, the continuing impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and peace agreement negotiations with Azerbaijan, against a backdrop of broader geopolitical instability.
Freedom of peaceful assembly
Protesters call for release of POWs held by Azerbaijan
On 10th December 2025, International Human Rights Day, members of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Nikol Aghbalian Student Organisation staged a protest outside the United Nations office in Yerevan, calling for the release of Armenian prisoners of war and detainees held in Azerbaijan. The demonstrators urged the UN and other international organisations to take concrete steps to secure the return of Armenians whom they described as being unlawfully detained in Baku for more than two years. Organisers said the protest was part of an ongoing campaign to draw international attention to the issue and criticised international bodies for failing to use their influence to pressure Azerbaijan. During the demonstration, activists delivered speeches and handed a letter outlining their demands to a representative of the UN office.
Conflict between the government and church continues with parallel rallies
On 18th December 2025, rival demonstrations took place at the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin amid an escalating dispute between Armenia’s ruling authorities and the Armenian Apostolic Church. The dispute, which has led to investigations, arrests and accusations of foreign interference, has been described as Armenia’s “gravest church-state clash since gaining independence”. While the government says it is addressing corruption within the church, church leaders have accused it of exceeding its constitutional authority.
Tensions increased after Armenia’s 2020 war with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. When Azerbaijan regained control of the region in September 2023, causing the mass displacement of its Armenian population, subsequent negotiations between Baku and Yerevan to reach a border deal sparked mass anti-government demonstrations, as previously reported by the CIVICUS Monitor. One of the protest leaders, Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan of the Tavush Diocese, was arrested in 2024 on charges of plotting a coup, and several other bishops have since been detained on various charges.
The December protests were triggered by a call from a group of bishops for the resignation of Catholicos Karekin II, the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The group called on the public to gather on 18th December at the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, the church’s spiritual headquarters. In response, supporters of Karekin II and opposition activists mobilised to support Karekin II and attend a prayer service at Etchmiadzin Cathedral, which he also attended.
According to media reports, supporters of Karekin II significantly outnumbered those calling for his resignation. While both groups chanted slogans outside the cathedral, the confrontation remained largely peaceful. The bishops seeking Karekin II’s removal arrived under heavy police security, submitted their request and departed amid hostile reactions from church supporters.
Although no serious violence was reported, the presence of ruling party officials and security personnel in civilian clothing fuelled accusations of government involvement in what authorities have sought to portray as an internal church matter.
Pressure on Iranian citizens in Armenia protesting in solidarity
In January 2026, Iranian residents in Armenia staged continuous protests in Yerevan, including outside the Iranian embassy, condemning the Iranian authorities’ crackdown on nationwide unrest triggered by rising inflation and currency devaluation.
Following several days of demonstrations, Iran’s ambassador to Armenia, Khalil Shirgholami, sharply criticised the Armenian authorities for allowing the rallies to take place, warning that Yerevan is becoming “a serious centre for the actions of forces hostile to Iran.” Armenia’s interior ministry rejected the accusations, stressing that peaceful assembly is protected under the constitution and international obligations.
Although protests continued in the following days, Yerevan’s municipal authorities banned a planned march on 17th January from the Iranian embassy to the Blue Mosque in the city centre, citing an Interior Ministry recommendation and concerns over traffic disruption. While the protest was initially authorised by the Yerevan municipality, permission was subsequently revoked a day before it was due to take place. On the day of the march, riot police formed a cordon and refused to allow protesters who had gathered near the embassy to proceed. According to the Interior Ministry, seven protesters were arrested after attempting to break through police lines. A police spokesperson was quoted by CivilNet, explaining that the seven were held on administrative charges for failing to comply with police orders.
Some Iranian participants later told the Armenian service of RFE/RL that they were summoned by the National Security Service (NSS) and warned against attending further gatherings, with claims of threats of arrest and deportation. In a written response to the outlet, the NSS confirmed the summonses, stating its “survey work was carried out in the context of counterintelligence and crime-fighting functions given to the service by law.”
Protests continued near-daily despite these pressures, including on 22nd January. However, protesters continued to report intimidation efforts by the NSS, leading to decreased attendance. At the end of January, OC Media reported on Armenian authorities’ efforts to contain the protests, including summonses of protest organisers for “friendly chats” and informal warnings to end the demonstrations. Protesters said they were told not to mobilise people via social media and were cautioned about consequences if gatherings continued.
Freedom of expression
Experts report increased pressure on the press in Armenia
On 26th January 2026, press freedom watchdog Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression (CPFE) warned of a worsening environment for journalists in Armenia. At a press conference to present their latest findings, Ashot Melikyan, head of the CPFE, said 224 press freedom violations were recorded in 2025, up from 208 the previous year, with nearly half attributed to government and ruling party representatives.
The report documented 15 cases of physical violence, 108 instances of pressure, and 10 cases restricting access to information, alongside 63 lawsuits against media outlets, most linked to defamation claims. Around half of these cases were initiated by officials, despite international standards discouraging such actions. Of the 15 violent incidents, seven involved law enforcement officers and seven pro-government actors.
Melikyan also highlighted 45 cases of insults and obstruction of journalists’ work, many involving senior politicians, as well as deepening media polarisation and the spread of disinformation. He said these trends have contributed to increased litigation and a more hostile working environment for media professionals.
CPFE criticises draft media law
On 29th December 2025, the Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression issued a statement criticising amendments to Armenia’s Law on Audiovisual Media approved by the government earlier that week. The watchdog said the draft had been adopted without meaningful consultation with media organisations, warning that this reflected a broader pattern of limited engagement by the Ministry of High-Tech Industry.
The committee raised concerns about vague and potentially subjective legal language, particularly provisions related to a prohibition on disseminating “propaganda of violence and cruelty” and “criminal subculture”, arguing that the lack of clear definitions could lead to arbitrary interpretation and politically motivated enforcement.
According to the statement, such legal uncertainty poses risks to freedom of expression and media pluralism. The organisation urged the ministry to hold open consultations before submitting the draft to parliament and called on parliamentary committees to ensure the legislation is revised in line with international standards and safeguards for media freedom.
Arrest of government-critical podcasters causes concern
On 13th November at 7 a.m., masked officers from Armenia’s National Security Service (NSS) detained political podcast hosts Narek Samsonyan and Vazgen Saghatelyan, co-hosts of the “Imnemnimi” podcast on Antifake.am. The following day, they were charged with hooliganism and placed in two months’ pre-trial detention. According to the Council of Europe’s Safety of Journalists Platform, NSS officers also briefly detained Antifake.am journalist Davit Fidanyan, who was later released.
The operation included coordinated searches of the podcasters’ homes and the premises of Antifake.am, during which authorities seized technical and journalistic equipment, including cameras, microphones, computers, tripods, and data storage devices.
According to CivilNet, the arrests followed a politically charged podcast episode aired on 12th November featuring former President Serzh Sargsyan, which attracted significant online attention. The broadcast prompted reactions from senior officials, including Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, while Speaker of Parliament Alen Simonyan had earlier publicly criticised the hosts and used insulting language in response to promotional material. In turn, Samsonyan and Saghatelyan later issued explicit insults targeting Simonyan, who subsequently filed a complaint that triggered the criminal proceedings.
On 9th January 2026, the first hearing in the case of Narek Samsonyan and Vazgen Saghatelyan opened at the Avan and Norq-Marash branch of the Yerevan Criminal Court. The court ordered a three-month extension of their pre-trial detention. Following the ruling, Samsonyan reportedly began a hunger strike.