INTRODUCTION
This report, prepared for the CIVICUS Monitor by International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), provides an overview of key developments affecting freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly in Uzbekistan from 1 October 2024 to 31 May 2025.
In the reporting period, civic freedoms remained severely restricted and human rights defenders, independent journalists, bloggers and others who voice criticism of the government continue to be at risk of imprisonment and other reprisals. The Uzbekistani authorities increasingly suppressed media freedoms, including by shutting down information platforms and expanding the list of prohibited materials.
Key institutional developments
On 27 October 2024, Uzbekistan held elections to the Oliy Majlis, the Uzbekistani parliament, in which - despite promises of an election marked by “strong competition”, as previously - no genuine opposition parties were registered. In a speech during the first session of the newly elected Oliy Majlis, the President stated that he intends to “revive the opposition”.
In November 2024, the Senate (Upper Chamber of the Oliy Majlis) extended the powers of the Ombudsperson, who now has the power to present legislative proposals to “reinforce the protection of human rights and liberties” to the President, the Cabinet of Ministers, and the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis. The Ombudsperson’s Office in Uzbekistan is not fully independent.
FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
In December 2024, the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis approved amendments to Article 244 of the Criminal Code regarding “mass unrest”. There are concerns that the amendments could be used to punish the preparation, training, and participation of legitimate peaceful protests in the country, which would violate Uzbekistan’s international human rights commitments. Domestic legislation already previously criminalised organising and participating in mass unrest, but the amendments expanded legislative provisions to punish organising training for mass protests (such as “acquiring knowledge, practical skills and methods for organizing unrest, handling weapons, explosive devices or other dangerous substances”). Penalties now include fines of 112-225 million Uzbek soms (the equivalent of approximately 8,000-9,000 Euros), correctional labour for up to three years, and imprisonment for from five to seven years. The amendments also introduced criminal liability for financing mass riots to 10-15 years. The new legislation also includes a clause exempting individuals from criminal liability if they notify the authorities about the planned riots and assist in uncovering and identifying the people involved. According to the authorities, such measures were introduced to “update national legislation to address modern challenges” and to protect national security interests.
Aftermath of the July 2022 Karakalpakstan events
There are serious concerns that lawyer, journalist and human rights defender Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, who is serving a 16-year sentence on a series of charges initiated in retaliation for his peaceful participation in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan (see previous CIVICUS monitor update) is being regularly subjected to beatings, insults and other forms of ill-treatment in prison by prison officials as well as by fellow prisoners. In March 2025, his lawyer publicly raised concerns about Tazhimuratov’s treatment in prison as well as his general health and well-being, and in May there were further reports of him being ill-treated. Human rights defenders and international experts have repeatedly raised serious concerns about the case, and the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has deemed his detention unlawful, calling for his immediate release.
On 1 December 2024, Russian journalist and documentary film maker Alexey Pivovarov, his crew and a journalist from the independent Uzbekistani media outlet Hook.report were detained in Nukus, the capital city of the Autonomous Republic of Karakalpakstan in western Uzbekistan, while they were filming. During their detention, agents of the Nukus Main Department of Internal Affairs seized all the filming materials and questioned them on who they spoke with and what they filmed in Karakalpakstan. The film crew was reportedly forced to hand over two flash drives of video footage before being released and allowed to return to the capital city of Tashkent. Media reports indicate that the detention may have been in reprisal for an interview with the younger brother of Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov.
Due to the closed judicial process and the secrecy surrounding cases linked to the July 2022 protests in Karakalpakstan, it is difficult to establish the exact number of individuals subjected to politically-motivated persecution following these events. The NGO Turkmen Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights reported on 10 December 2024 that based on the findings of an expert group of six independent international human rights defenders, as of 30 June 2024, there were at least 49 political prisoners serving prison terms in connection with the July 2022 events. The individuals are civil and religious activists linked to Karakalpakstan and 33 of them are believed to have participated in the 2022 protests. More information on the findings of the expert group can be found in a report by Mediazona, which contains an analysis of the list of detainees and an interview with human rights activist Vitaly Ponomarev, a member of the expert group.
On 26 December 2024, the Special Commission established by the Senate and the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis following the 2022 events (see previous CIVICUS Monitor update) presented a new report stating that since July 2022, 943 people have been warned for committing offences, 6135 people have been given administrative fines, and 2639 people have been sentenced to administrative detention in relation to the 2022 protests. According to the Commission, 21 people died and 413 were injured. Based on information shared by the authorities and their own research, human rights activists, however, have concluded that the numbers of those killed or injured may be higher. According to the Special Commission report, only three law enforcement officials have been held accountable for human rights violations, compared to nearly 10 000 protesters convicted of law infringements, with penalties ranging from warnings to imprisonment. In August 2023, media reports stated that two police officers had been sentenced to seven years in prison on charges of torture, with another sentenced to three years in prison on charges of “abandonment resulting in death.” The Commission’s findings highlight the need for further, impartial and thorough investigations into the July 2022 events and for effective measures to hold all perpetrators, including high-ranking officials, accountable for violations.
Uzbekistani authorities request forcible return of Karakalpakstanis to stand trial in Uzbekistan
On 17 April 2025, Nukus City Court sentenced Rinat Utambetov to two years and three months in prison for encroaching on the constitutional order and disseminating materials threatening public security (Article 159, Part 2 of the Criminal Code and Art. 244-1, Part 3, paragraphs “a”, “g”). He stood trial after being extradited from Kazakhstan, where he was detained in April 2024 after he reportedly withdrew his asylum request. Some activist sources allege that Utambetov was never involved in Karakalpak opposition activities and the case against him is related to a post made in July 2022 during the Nukus events on a private Telegram group of 10 residents of the village of Shortanbay in the Nukus district containing “prohibited video materials”. The authors of this report were unable to independently verify this information.
In a positive development, Akylbeq Muratov (also known as Muratbai), a well-known Karakalpak activist who was detained in February 2024 and was facing extradition to Uzbekistan on charges of “publicly calling for mass riots” in relation to the July 2022 protests (see previous CIVICUS Monitor update), was released from pre-trial detention in February 2025 after a year spent in an Almaty facility. Nevertheless, as long as Muratbai remains in Kazakhstan and has not been granted asylum he remains at risk of refoulement to Uzbekistan.
For further information on the targeting of Karakalpakstanis following the July 2022 events, refer to the previous CIVICUS Monitor update.
FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
In November 2024, the press service of the Supreme Court of Uzbekistan published information mentioning that over 30 000 citizens were charged with slander and insult in Uzbekistan that year. All of them were fined, with over 200 also reportedly being sentenced to terms of imprisonment. There are allegations that many were targeted to punish them for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression.
International human rights standards clearly stipulate that imprisonment is never an appropriate penalty for defamation, and that public officials should be prepared to tolerate more, rather than less, criticism, given the importance of allowing effective public scrutiny of government actions. When civil sanctions are imposed for slander or insult, they must be reasonable and proportional and strictly follow procedures which respect due process. Remedies must be proportionate, such as the right of reply or correction (instead of fines, for example), which should be prioritised according to international standards.
In November 2024, the head of the “Centre for Spirituality and Enlightenment of Uzbekistan”, which was set up by Presidential decree in 2017 to educate young people “in the spirit of the national idea and devotion to the Motherland”, announced that “soon” all media products published in Uzbekistan will be subjected to a "spiritual examination”. This would include examining their compliance with moral standards and values of media materials, especially local and foreign TV series, cartoons, films, songs and clips. As reported by Radio Ozodlik, materials that do not meet the set criteria will not be allowed to be published or broadcast in Uzbekistani media. Although forbidden by the Constitution, such reviews and bans of materials would be equivalent to censorship according to human rights groups. Faced with backlash over this announcement, the Centre issued a statement justifying these measures “to preserve national identity”.
This recent development appears to be part of a trend to increase government control over publications and is consistent with proposed legislation, such as the draft Information Code, which aims to regulate laws on the media, access to information and on protecting children from harmful information (see previous CIVICUS Monitor update).
In recent years, human rights groups have repeatedly raised concern that in Uzbekistan closed court hearings are often used in cases against those who speak out on human rights or other sensitive issues. Concerns about upholding fair trial standards in such cases were heightened when, on 25 February 2025, the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis passed a draft law in its first reading on introducing criminal liability for disclosing information from closed court hearings. The deputy chairperson of the Supreme Court reportedly stated that this draft law was developed in response to concerns raised by the Presidential Administration regarding issues in judicial practice, such as participants in closed court hearings disclosing information without the judge’s permission. Article 19 of the Criminal Procedural Code allows cases to be held in closed court sessions, but the court may allow the presence of close relatives of the defendant and the victim, as well as other individuals, warning them of liability for disclosing case details. However, according to those who initiated the new draft law, current legislation regulating courtroom order lacked specific provisions defining liability for such disclosures of information. The bill thus aims to establish the explicit prohibition of disclosing case details and to introduce criminal liability for violations. At the time of writing, however, the proposed penalties are not publicly available.
Bloggers and journalists targeted
Recent pressure on journalists and human rights defenders
Human rights defender and journalist Sharifa (Sharifakhon) Madrakhimova, winner of the 2025 Front Line Defenders Award for Human Rights Defenders at Risk, was unable to travel to Dublin to attend the award ceremony on 22 May 2025. She reported the following: “I received an envelope with my passport from the Irish embassy. And I discovered that on the back cover of the passport and the last few pages there were burnt marks. A passport like this must be replaced, I will not be able to cross the border with it.” According to Front Line Defenders, on 7 May 2025, Sharifa Madrakhimova received her passport with an Irish visa at her home address in Kokand via DHL. However, the back cover of the passport, where the biometric chip is located, as well as several other pages, were clearly and deliberately burnt after being intercepted during delivery. Although Madrakhimova applied for a new passport, it was not delivered in time for her to travel. Madrakhimova has previously been subjected to intimidation and harassment by supporters of the Uzbekistani government, including an incident in April 2024 when she was attacked near her home by a pro-government blogger and another unidentified man. She reported the attack to police, naming the blogger as one of the culprits. However, law enforcement agencies concluded that no crime had been committed. Two days later, the blogger posted a defamatory video about her on YouTube.
Additionally, on 23 May 2025, Mirabad Interdistrict Civil Court issued a ruling that Abdulrahman Tashanov, Chairman of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan “Ezgulik”, should pay compensation to two teachers from Tashkent State Law University - R. Altiev and O. Narziev - after they argued that he had damaged their honour and dignity. The court ordered Tashanov to pay 50 million soums in compensation, instructed him to delete his post on the social network entitled “I feel sorry for you, gentlemen”, and which relate to Tashanov’s public defence of journalist Rukhsora Gafurova’s investigation into bank fraud. The court also instructed Tashanov to issue a public apology to the teachers. The court hearings were held behind closed doors, and journalists and diplomats were not allowed to attend. During the trial, the principle of equality of arms was not respected. The court issued a guilty verdict despite the fact that the expert opinion issued by the Center for Expertise at the Agency for Information and Mass Communications stated that Tashanov's comments on social networks did not contain insults or derogatory statements. However, the court nevertheless found that Tashanov's statements of personal opinion violated the law. Tashanov intends to appeal this court decision.
On 28 May 2025, Shaykhantakhur Interdistrict Court ruled on a lawsuit filed by journalist Anora Sadykova against Mirsaid Khaidarov, a public relations official for Tashkent region Mayor (Hokim) Zoir Mirzaev. Sodikova complained about Khaidarov's articles which referred to journalists as “journalist whores”, and claimed that Sadykova was using the “Uzdiplomat” website that she heads for financial blackmail and serving Western interests through a series of critical publications.
The judge ruled that Khaidarov's articles using the phrase “journalist whores” was an insult, but determined that it was not directed at Sadykova. The ruling disregarded the findings of the linguistic expert assessment, which stated that Khaidarov’s insults were directed specifically at Sadykova and that they constituted a serious insult to human dignity and damaged her professional reputation. Sadykova reacted to the court ruling by saying "I came to court with my last faith in the fairness of Uzbek courts and the protection of the press in the country, but now I want to find the truth through international bodies."
Journalist and blogger Ilyos Safarov commented on the judgement in a Facebook post: “Yes, in any country you can find some form of pressure and censorship against the press, because our industry is often a battlefield. But when anyone can call journalists traitors, and the judicial system stands by and watches, it is better for Uzbekistan to fall out of the press freedom rating, in my opinion. In any case, even in countries with the lowest press freedom rating, the press and journalists are not so trampled.” [...] “I advise colleagues [...] to look back.[...] journalism is collapsing, our names are being defamed. Today, only three journalists participated in the trial of a brave girl who did not agree to be called names.”
A group of civil society activists, including journalists Ilyos Safarov, Anora Sadykova, and activist Rasul Kusherbaev and others, faced accusations in a video posted on social media about receiving funding from American donors, allegedly without the approval of the Uzbekistani authorities. The video, which mentioned the journalists by name, led to increased pressure on them from state officials, including judges.
Ilyos Safarov commented: “Trolling against journalists, bloggers and activists is intensifying. From the most personal problems to family, loved ones, everyone is being attacked for the purpose of slander and blackmail. Unfortunately, they are not investigated by the government and our appeals remain unanswered.”
Ongoing pressure on bloggers
18 December 2024 marked two years since 62-year-old lawyer and blogger Shahida Salomova was forcibly institutionalised in a psychiatric ward after accusing the President and his relatives of nepotism and corruption on her Telegram account, as well as posting a picture of the President’s son-in-law Otabek Umarov with a woman she described as his second (unofficial) wife in 2022 (see previous update). Every six months, the medical commission extends Salomova’s term of detention, without justifying its decision, and all attempts by her lawyer to appeal this decision are ignored. Salomova suffers from diabetes, asthma, a chronic lung condition, and a disease affecting brain function.
On 26 December 2024, the Bektemir District Criminal Court of Tashkent sentenced Gayrat Dustov, a 47 year-old minibus driver, to 15 days of administrative detention. There were allegations that he was punished for exercising his right to peacefully express his opinion when he complained about restrictions on the working hours of gas stations on social media three days earlier. The restrictions were introduced by the Ministry of Energy in connection with cold weather conditions in December. In a video that went viral on social media, Gayrat Dustov expressed his dissatisfaction with the situation, saying that the restrictions and long queues at gas stations prevented him from working and providing for his family. The man was found guilty of petty hooliganism under Article 183 of the Code of Administrative Offences. According to the case materials, the basis for initiating the administrative case was a complaint from an employee of the station, who claimed that Dustov insulted him. This case sparked widespread support among the Uzbek-speaking community in the country, many of whom came to support him during his trial. It is believed that the large public support he received protected him from criminal prosecution.
Religious blogger Fazilhoja Arifhojaev, who was sentenced to seven and a half years’ restricted freedom in relation to a Facebook post in March 2021 and was released conditionally in December 2023, has reportedly been subjected to ill-treatment by officials of the probation service on several occasions since being released. More information on Fazilhoja Arifhojaev’s case can be found in IPHR and AHRCA’s July 2024 report on bloggers. Officials are reportedly preventing him from finding work, prohibiting him from using the internet and threatening him with arrest. He has also reportedly been subjected to beatings by probation officers and has reported attempting to take his life due to the constant harassment.
Popular writer and journalist Karimberdi Turamurad works for the Bekajon newspaper. He has written books and film scripts, including “Gung Qiz”, “Sindoshlari Yoqodam”, “Zhiyda Guli” and others. On 15 May 2025, he was returning to Uzbekistan from Turkey, where he had been looking after his sick sister. While in Turkey, he hosted a programme on AzonGlobal interpreting hadiths but avoided speaking about sensitive political issues. He also worked on a programme about the deportation of the Crimean Tatars in May 1944 to Uzbekistan. Upon his return to Samarkand after Turkey, he was reportedly summoned to meet representatives of the State Security Service of the Samarkand region for a serious conversation.
Blogger dies in penal colony
On 17 February 2025, well-known Karakalpak blogger Mustafa Tursynbayev died in a penal colony in the Tashkent region, where he was serving a five-year sentence after a trial behind closed doors, according to media reports. Tursynbayev was detained in November 2023 along with blogger Salamat Seitmuratov and there were allegations that he was convicted on trumped-up charges in retaliation for his independent journalism and publications in the Karakalpak language about social issues in the region. His detention is unrelated to the 2022 protests in Karakalpakstan. Tursynbayev established the popular independent video channel “Nukus Online” in Karakalpakstan, which had some 153 000 subscribers.
The organisation Via Serica, a Karakalpak diaspora organisation based in the USA, reported that Tursynbayev died after a wall collapsed on him while he was working on a prison construction site. Although Tursynbayev's death was officially recorded as accidental, a criminal case was opened under Article 257 ("Violation of labour protection rules"). International human rights organisations have repeatedly called on the Uzbekistani authorities to thoroughly investigate deaths in custody and improve prison conditions. This is the third reported death of a Karakalpak political prisoner in the last two years.
Potential new risks for bloggers in Uzbekistan
Media sources have criticised efforts to strengthen the law on taxes for artists as they could be used to stifle dissent, including among bloggers. On 1 April 2025, Mubin Mirzayev, deputy head of the Tax Committee, announced at a press conference broadcast by the YouTube channel of UzReportTV that tax declarations need to be filed by 1 January 2027 to avoid sanctions. The introduction of new tax requirements for artists risks leading to a new wave of persecution of bloggers, as all artists actively use social networks and websites to promote their work. Those bloggers who earn money through advertising, donations or paid content are most at risk. The new tax rules could lead to the state being able to block bloggers’ income or prosecute them for the non-payment of taxes, and thus stifle popular bloggers. Radio Ozodlik broadcast a programme about this with the participation of many independent experts. In this way, tax reform in the cultural sphere could be the first step towards tighter controls over independent voices, including bloggers, whose activity increasingly goes beyond entertainment content and touches on social and political issues.
Pressure on Uzbekistani bloggers and journalists abroad
In the period under review, Uzbekistani authorities have reportedly brought charges against several bloggers living abroad and put them on the wanted list after they had criticised members of the family of President Mirziyoyev and other high-ranking officials. Authorities have also persecuted journalists and bloggers who continued their critical reporting from abroad in other ways.
In autumn 2024, AHRCA learnt that the bloggers Kamiljon Shakirov and Sardor Safarboyev (known under the pseudonym “Sardor Gangster”) had been charged with “insult” (Articles 140, part 2 of the Criminal Code) and “Incitement of national, racial, ethnic or religious hatred” (Art. 156, part 2). Shakirov is based in Sweden, while Safarboyev is based in the United Arab Emirates. While their videos include harsh criticism of the authorities, often expressed in slang or rough language, there are no calls amounting to incitement of national, racial, ethnic or religious hatred. In addition, Shakirov reported on 27 March that unknown individuals had dumped broken glass and construction waste at the gates of his house in Tashkent. Offensive words were written on the gates, including obscene language about him and his mother. A few days before the incident, Shakirov had criticised the practice of torture and corruption, the persecution of bloggers, and other human rights violations on his YouTube and other social media channels. He soon received anonymous death threats. There are also reports that Shakirov was additionally charged in absentia under Article 159 (“encroachment on the constitutional order”).
Earlier this year, blogger and former law enforcement officer Kazim Usmanov of the Gazab Mushti channel (run together with Alisher Abidov), who lives in the United States as a political refugee, was put on a wanted list on the website of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) of Uzbekistan and the MVD of Karakalpakstan under Article 159 “encroachment on the constitutional order of Uzbekistan”, in a move believed to be in retaliation for his online criticism of the authorities. Usmanov reported that in April 2025, after posting a video critical of the Presidential reforms in Uzbekistan, officers of the State Security Service went to his home in Tashkent and forced his wife to write a statement requesting a divorce and to testify against him. Under threat of arrest, she and their children are now forbidden from communicating with Usmanov. In addition, the officers reportedly intimidated his mother, and called in his close friends and neighbours in Uzbekistan for questioning, most recently on 18 May. Usmanov also lost access to his previous personal social media accounts on YouTube and TikTok after posting the video.
In the period under review, there were reports about cases where authorities of foreign countries allegedly cooperated with authorities of Uzbekistan to put pressure on critical journalists and bloggers. Such cases have been reported from Turkey and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
For example, on 13 October 2024, blogger Asliddin Kamol, who is known for his critical posts on issues of corruption and nepotism in Uzbekistan, went missing at Dubai airport. On 16 October, it was reported that Kamol had been detained by UAE police at the request of Uzbekistan and interrogated. Kamol used to collaborate with the blogger Abdukodir Muminov before Muminov was detained in Uzbekistan in February 2023 (see previous CIVICUS Monitor update). After Muminov’s detention Kamol fled Uzbekistan for fear of persecution. In an interview given later to Radio Ozodlik, the blogger explained that upon returning from Georgia to Dubai, where he had been living for two years, he was not allowed to go through passport control. He was driven to an interrogation room somewhere outside the airport, blindfolded, and his phone was taken away, after he had managed to inform friends of his situation. According to him, he was detained for five days. He reportedly demanded to see a lawyer and to be informed about the nature of the charges against him. When neither of these demands had been met by the second day, he went on a hunger strike for three days. Kamol was interrogated by UAE officers about whom he had met in Georgia, why he had not returned to Uzbekistan, which country he cooperates with, what sources of income he has, and whether he or Abdukodir Muminov had any problems with Otabek Umarov, President Mirziyoyev’s son-in-law. The last question convinced Kamol that he had been detained and questioned at the request of Uzbekistani security services. Kamol was released after five days and is currently in exile elsewhere. He reports that he is still receiving threats from people he believes to be employees of the Uzbekistani security services. Additionally, the administrator of his Telegram channel was also detained during the reporting period, and Kamol lost access to this resource.
Ulugbek Ashur, Uzbekistani businessman and popular blogger who currently resides in Canada, reported not being allowed to enter Turkey when he was travelling for business some two years ago. Ashur covers political developments in Uzbekistan as well as social problems. There are allegations that the Turkish authorities acted on requests by the Uzbekistani authorities aimed at punishing him for criticising the government in his publications. Ashur filed a complaint with a court in Turkey, but the court ruled that the decision not to admit him into the country was lawful. Ashur is appealing the court decision and has alleged that the Turkish authorities shared information from his Canadian passport with the authorities in Uzbekistan, thus putting him at risk of persecution in his new home.
Limiting access to critical reporting
There were allegations that over the past years, the Uzbekistani authorities have selectively targeted critical bloggers and reported violations of copyright to YouTube in order to force them to take down their videos. As a result of YouTube’s policy that after three such warnings channels are to be closed, many bloggers are faced with losing their channels and fellowship. For example, YouTube closed three of Sharkirov’s channels citing copyright violations.
For similar reasons, two YouTube channels belonging to blogger and human rights activist Alisher Abidov, who lives in Norway and is known under the pseudonym “Uzbek-Viking”, were shut down. The blogger raises sensitive issues and discusses human rights violations. In his six months of blogging Abidov has become one of the most popular bloggers. On 8 April 2025, he received a message from a follower who said that he had recently arrived from Turkey at the Tashkent airport and had had his phone checked by a counterintelligence officer at the airport. When the officer saw that the follower was subscribed to “Uzbek-Viking”, he reportedly forced him to unsubscribe and promise never to contact the “traitors of the motherland”.
AHRCA has increasingly been receiving information that when citizens who have lived abroad for a long time go through passport control in Uzbekistan, their mobile phones are checked to see who they are subscribed to on social networks. Those who subscribe to accounts of critics of the government are reportedly detained, and in some cases not only forced to unsubscribe, but also to sign a pledge never to contact “enemies of the people,” including political emigrants and opinion leaders.
Internet restrictions
In January 2025, the Supreme Court of Uzbekistan published an updated list of some 1400 materials recognised as containing extremist and terrorist ideas. Last year’s list featured some 800 materials. Banned materials include Facebook pages, Instagram accounts, pages on other social media platforms, Telegram and YouTube channels, as well as websites. According to the ”Law on combatting extremism”, the production, storage, distribution or display of any prohibited materials is subject to criminal liability under the Criminal Code. The responsibility of identifying prohibited materials is that of the Committee on Religious Affairs, the State Security Service, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Agency for Information and Mass Communications.
New law on “undesirable foreigners”
On 15 November 2024, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed into force amendments to the law “On the legal status of foreign citizens and stateless persons in Uzbekistan” which introduced a mechanism for recognising foreigners as undesirable to stay in the country. According to the amendments, foreign citizens and stateless persons whose actions or public statements contradict the sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of Uzbekistan, provoke interstate, social, national, racial and religious hostility or discredit the honour and dignity of the people are regarded as “undesirable foreigners”. Human rights groups have voiced their concerns regarding this new law, stating that “these amendments represent a flagrant violation of international standards on freedom of expression and pose a serious risk of isolating the country”.
FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
Foreign funding law
NGOs’ activities continue to be restricted, and access to funding remains excessively difficult in Uzbekistan. In February 2025, a pro-government commentator proposed the adoption of a “foreign agent” law, saying it is needed to “control foreign financial flows” and “safeguard information sovereignty.” While no policymaker has formally initiated such legislation, this suggestion has heightened concerns about potential new restrictions.