Forced loyalty, fear, and censorship: Turkmenistan’s relentless assault on civic freedoms

This update covers developments relating to the freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly in Turkmenistan from November 2024 to early June 2025.  International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights (TIHR) have prepared it as part of their cooperation with the CIVICUS Monitor.

Turkmenistan’s media climate remains extremely repressive, as reflected in its new near-bottom ranking (174th out of 180) in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index. It was rated worst globally for political context due to all-encompassing state control, censorship, and severe reprisals against dissenting journalists.

State newspapers continued to serve as tools to propagate state-dictated narratives and glorify the country’s leadership. In a further example of the extreme state control of the information landscape, reports indicated that civil servants, who are forced to subscribe to these publications, were compelled to sign pledges not to “dirty” pages featuring the president by using them for other purposes, such as toilet paper, wrapping material, or fire-starting. Given the limited informational value of the state newspapers, people often repurpose them for daily needs – to the authorities’ discontent. Plans to track newspaper use via QR codes were also discussed.

Access to independent information through the internet remained heavily restricted due to low speed and penetration, combined with wide-ranging censorship and anti-VPN campaigning.

In parallel, state control over public expression also manifested through other measures, such as the mandatory purchase of the president’s latest book by public sector employees and penalties for refusing to fund propaganda displays.

Serious concerns persisted about the government’s persecution of activists, journalists, and bloggers – both inside Turkmenistan and abroad. When reviewing Turkmenistan’s compliance with the corresponding convention in April 2025, the UN Committee against Torture (CAT) expressed alarm over the ongoing campaign of politically motivated imprisonment and the forcible return of activists living abroad. The Committee specifically called for the release of human rights activist Mansur Mingelov – who has been imprisoned for over a decade – and for accountability in cases involving returned activists.

Worryingly, shortly after the CAT review, several new cases emerged involving Turkmenistani activists at risk of deportation from Turkey. In late April 2025, bloggers Alisher Sakhatov and Abdulla Orusov, known for their social media criticism of the Turkmenistani authorities, were detained in Sinop and ordered deported for allegedly posing a threat to public order and security, despite holding valid residence permits and having pending applications for international protection in Turkey. Another activist, Umida Bekchanova – who also has criticised Turkmenistan’s government on social media – was detained in Istanbul in late May 2025 and ordered deported on the same grounds as Sakhatov and Abdulla Orusov. She has resided lawfully in Turkey for several years, but her residence permit was recently cancelled. As of the time of writing, all three activists remain in Turkish deportation centres, with appeals under way. They face serious risks of torture and politically motivated imprisonment if returned to Turkmenistan.

Authorities also continued to impose arbitrary restrictions on freedom of movement in efforts to silence dissenting voices. In January 2025, journalist Nurgeldy Khalykov – released last year after serving a politically motivated four-year prison sentence – was prevented from travelling abroad for work. Prior to this, in November 2024, authorities used extreme measures to prevent independent journalist and human rights defender Soltan Achilova, who cooperates with TIHR, from travelling to Geneva for a human rights award ceremony. On the day of her departure, Achilova, her daughter and son-in-law were forcibly hospitalised due to a supposed infectious disease. They were only released after six days following international pressure. This marked the second time Achilova was prevented from travelling to Geneva, following an incident in November 2023 when her and her daughter’s passports were deliberately damaged by border officials. She also reported suspected poisoning attempts prior to her forced hospitalisation. In a joint communication in March 2025, UN human rights experts urged the government to end the intimidation of Achilova, guarantee her safety and freedom of movement, and ensure accountability for the violations of her rights.

There were new reports illustrating authorities’ failure to address public discontent despite its peaceful expression, as well as their use of repressive tactics to suppress public expressions of concern. At the same time, they continued the practice of forcibly mobilising public sector employees, students and other residents for state-organised events under threat of retaliation. For example, in March 2025, university and secondary school students in Turkmenabat were required to attend a day-long Novruz celebration in extreme heat exceeding 35°C, without being allowed to leave, eat, or drink water. Two female students reportedly lost consciousness, likely due to heat stroke.

A May 2025 report from the Cotton Campaign, based on monitoring by Turkmen News and TIHR, documented the continued widespread and systematic use of state-imposed forced labour during the 2024 cotton harvest. The report underscored the active role of state-controlled trade unions in coordinating this practice, including organising labour mobilisations and collecting funds for replacement pickers.

These issues are described in more detail below.

Expression

New bottom rating in World Press Freedom Index

The media climate in Turkmenistan remains highly restrictive. This is illustrated by the fact that Turkmenistan was again featured at the bottom in the World Press Freedom Index 2025, published by Reporters without Borders in May 2025. Turkmenistan was ranked 174th among 180 countries, with a total score of 19.14 (down from 22.01 in 2024) on a scale from 0-100 where 0 represents the lowest possible level of press freedom, and 100 the highest. On the sub indicator covering the political context, Turkmenistan was ranked last globally. Reporters without Borders noted that the media is strictly controlled, required to promote a positive image of the government, while criticism of officials is banned and dissenting journalists face prosecution, imprisonment, torture, or even death.

State-dictated media and persistent internet censorship

State newspapers in Turkmenistan primarily serve as tools to propagate state-dictated narratives and glorify President Serdar Berdymukhamedov and his father Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, the former president. Despite their limited informational value, civil servants are forced to subscribe to these heavily censored publications, which are frequently used for non-informational purposes such as toilet paper, wrapping material, or fire-starting. In February 2025, RFE/RL’s Turkmen service reported that civil servants had been threatened with dismissal for such uses and were required to sign pledges to preserve pages featuring photographs of the ruling family. According to RFE/RL’s sources, local authorities are also considering printing QR codes on newspaper pages to track improper use. These measures exemplify the extreme state control of information and suppression of freedom of expression in the country.

While local media is state-controlled, access to information through the internet also remains highly restricted. Despite the government’s stated commitment to improving internet access, internet speed remains low, with the average broadband download speed fixed at just 3.72 Mbps in February 2025, compared to the global average of over 100 Mbps. The internet penetration rate also remains limited, estimated at 34.9 percent at the beginning of 2025.

At the same time, internet access is heavily censored, with many social media networks, messenger apps, news sites and other resources having been arbitrarily blocked in the country. Blocked online resources are only accessible with the help of internet circumvention tools, so-called virtual private networks (VPNs). However, VPN use is banned and authorities actively campaign against VPNs, including by blocking access to them and intimidating those who install and use them.

State control over public expression

State control over public expression also takes other forms. For example, this case highlights how the regime’s tight grip on expression extends to the promotion of its leadership cult through literature:

• In January 2025, public sector employees in Turkmenbashi and Balkanabat were reportedly forced to attend the presentation of President Serdar Berdymukhamedov’s latest book—a photo album showcasing official events—and purchase it at their own expense. This reflects a long-standing practice of mandatory book buying in Turkmenistan, used as a tool to reinforce state propaganda. It began with the Rukhnama, authored by the country’s first president Saparmurat Niyazov, and continued with dozens of publications by his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov—the father of the current president. Now, Serdar Berdymukhamedov is following in their footsteps, having already published three books within the three years of his presidency. Such practices are part of the broader state strategy to dominate public discourse and suppress independent thought.

This case highlights the use of punitive measures against citizens who refuse to contribute to public expressions of the personality cult surrounding the president:

• According to information from TIHR, in April 2025, four employees of public cultural institutions in the Lebap region were dismissed after refusing to pay a mandatory “voluntary” contribution of 230 manat (approximately 55 EUR). The funds were designated for the purchase of a large screen for the Kerki Culture Center, intended to display images of President Serdar Berdymukhamedov during official events. After their dismissals, local police officers visited the employees and coerced them into signing resignation letters citing “health reasons.”

In the following case, authorities imposed new barriers preventing local residents from submitting petitions to the country’s leadership – also part of efforts to suppress the expression of criticism:

• According to the Turkmen RFE/RL service, in February 2025, security services in the Balkan region pressured private law firms, printing houses, and photo studios to stop assisting citizens in composing, printing, or copying letters addressed to the country’s president or his father—the former president, who remains an influential figure. Business owners were warned that they risk losing their licences if they did not comply and were forced to sign statements confirming their awareness of the ban. According to a local source cited by RFE/RL, residents had turned to such businesses for help after previous cases in which individuals who wrote letters by hand were tracked down and intimidated by the security services. Meanwhile, official online channels for contacting the president are reportedly inaccessible.

Association

Politically motivated imprisonment and forcible returns of activists

The Turkmenistani authorities continue to persecute activists, journalists, and bloggers for peacefully and legitimately exercising their civic freedoms, including through politically motivated imprisonment. During its review of Turkmenistan in April 2025, the UN Committee Against Torture (CAT) expressed concerns about ‘’the numerous and consistent allegations of serious acts of intimidation, reprisal and threats against human rights defenders, journalists and their relatives, as well as the arbitrary arrest and imprisonment of such individuals in relation to their work.’’ The Committee was also concerned about allegations of torture and ill-treatment of such individuals in detention.

The following case remains of serious concern:

• Human rights activist Mansur Mingelov has been imprisoned for over a decade. He was sentenced to 22 years in 2012 on multiple charges after exposing ill-treatment of ethnic Baloch community members. He has suffered serious health problems in prison, believed to be related to beatings he was allegedly subjected to upon his initial detention. Alongside human rights groups, UN experts have repeatedly condemned his detention and treatment. Most recently, the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Special Rapporteur on torture did so in a joint communication from September 2024, as did CAT during its April 2025 review. During its dialogue with CAT, Turkmenistan’s delegation denied reports of torture against Mingelov, stating that no evidence of abuse was found during investigations. Moreover, while confirming that Mingelov has been diagnosed with the serious condition of tuberculous arthritis, it stated that his release on medical grounds would require a court decision based on an official medical report. According to Turkmen News, Mingelov has not received official documentation of his diagnosis, preventing his release.

The Turkmenistani authorities also continue to target outspoken activists-bloggers based abroad, above all in Turkey, including by seeking their detention and forcible return to Turkmenistan. An increasing number of activists have been forcibly sent back to Turkmenistan, exposing them to a serious risk of torture and politically-motivated imprisonment. While these individuals have typically been accused of violating migration rules in Turkey, it is clear that the Turkmenistani authorities have had a vested interest in their return.

During its review, CAT voiced concerns about the pattern of forcible return of activists, highlighting several individual cases reported by TIHR, IPHR and other NGOs. These include the cases of Farhat Meimankulyiev, Rovsen Klucev, Dovran Imamov, Serdar Durdylyev and Merdan Mukhamedov – all forcibly returned from Turkey to Turkmenistan in 2023-2024 – as well as Malikberdi Allamyradov – who reportedly was abducted and forcibly returned from Russia to Turkmenistan in December 2023. CAT called for prompt, thorough and impartial investigations into the reported violations in these cases and for accountability for those responsible.

However, following the CAT review, there were alarming new cases involving activists facing forcible return from Turkey:

• Turkmenistani bloggers Alisher Sakhatov and Abdulla Orusov were detained in the city of Sinop on 28 April 2025 and ordered deported on the grounds that they allegedly pose a threat to public order and security in Turkey. Under article 54/1-d of the Turkish Law on Foreigners and International Protection, a removal decision can be issued in relation to foreigners deemed to pose such a threat. They were placed in detention pending deportation and transferred first to a deportation centre in Ankara, later to separate detention centres in the cities of Edirne and Kırklareli. Currently they remain in detention, with appeal procedures under way in their case thanks to the engagement of their lawyer.

According to available information, Sakhatov and Orusov had valid residence permits in Turkey when they were detained and had previously applied for international protection in the country, with their applications still pending at the time of their detention. However, following their detention, their applications for international protection were rejected.

Both bloggers have publicly criticised the Turkmenistani authorities and highlighted human rights violations in the country on social media, including on their YouTube and TikTok channels. Given this, they would face a high risk of torture, arrest, and politically motivated imprisonment if returned to Turkmenistan.

• Another Turkmenistani activist, Umida Bekchanova, was reportedly detained in Istanbul on 30 May 2025 and transferred to a deportation centre. This information was shared by a Sweden-based Turkmenistani activist on his YouTube channel on 31 May, citing Bekchanova’s lawyers as the source. During the night of 1–2 June, Bekchanova was reportedly taken to the airport for deportation, but the process was eventually halted, and she was returned to the deportation centre. Similarly to Sakhatov and Orusov, she is accused of allegedly threatening public order and security in Turkey. According to available information, Bekchanova learned in January 2025 that her Turkish visa had been unexpectedly cancelled, despite her having lived and worked legally in the country for several years. In addition, her Turkmenistani passport recently expired, leaving her undocumented. At the time of writing, appeal procedures are under way in Bekchanova’s case.

Bekchanova has openly criticised the Turkmenistani authorities on social media and has previously faced intimidation, including through threats to her family members in Turkey. One of her sons was reportedly imprisoned in Turkmenistan on charges believed to be retaliatory in nature. Against this background, Bekchanova would be at serious risk of torture, politically motivated prosecution and imprisonment if returned to Turkmenistan.

In another practice of serious concern, authorities have arbitrarily prevented activists, journalists and their family members from travelling abroad. Such tactics have repeatedly been used against Soltan Achilova – an independent journalist and human rights defender who cooperates with TIHR:

• In November 2024, authorities took shocking measures to prevent Soltan Achilova from travelling to Geneva for a human rights award ceremony and related meetings. Early in the morning on the day when Achilova was due to travel to Geneva, four individuals in white coats and masks arrived at her Ashgabat home, alleging she had a suspected infectious disease and required immediate hospitalisation. Despite her protests, she was forcibly put into an ambulance. Shortly after, when Achilova’s daughter and husband arrived at the journalist’s home to pick her up to go to the airport, they were also hospitalised because they had been in contact with the journalist. They were all taken to a hospital treating people with infectious diseases, and were held there for six days before eventually being released thanks to international pressure. During their time in the hospital, they were not informed of the results of repeated tests or given a diagnosis. They were nevertheless prescribed medical treatment, which they refused to take.

This was not the first time Achilova was prevented from travelling to Geneva. A year earlier, in November 2023, she and her daughter were barred from leaving Turkmenistan at the airport, despite having all required documentation. Border officials subjected her to degrading treatment, including two strip searches, and deliberately damaged her and her daughter’s passports, rendering them invalid for travel.

Achilova has also reported suspected poisoning attempts shortly before her forced hospitalisation in November 2024, leading the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders to express concern for her right to life. Together with other UN special procedures, the Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders has repeatedly communicated concerns regarding harassment targeting Achilova and her family to the Turkmenistani government – most recently in a joint communication from March 2025. In this communication, the UN experts called on the government to end the reprisals and intimidation, guarantee the safety of Achilova and her family, and allow her to travel freely and safely. They also called for an immediate, thorough, and impartial investigation into the allegations of human rights violations in her case and accountability for those responsible.

In the following case, a former political prisoner was prevented from leaving the country:

• In June 2024, journalist Nurgeldy Khalykov was released after serving a four-year prison sentence on spurious fraud charges. These charges were initiated after he shared a photo of a WHO mission visiting Turkmenistan with an exile-based outlet, and authorities discovered his cooperation with the group. Since his release, he has faced restrictions on his freedom of movement: according to the Turkmen News, in January 2025 he was prevented from boarding a flight to Dubai — where he was due to start a new job — and was informed that he had been temporarily banned from leaving the country. He has received no explanation for the ban, has not been told how long it will remain in effect, and his appeals to the authorities have been unsuccessful.

These recent cases have taken place in a context in which an increasing number of people – also ordinary citizens who are not engaged in civic or journalistic activities – have faced arbitrary restrictions on travel abroad. According to unofficial information from sources at Ashgabat airport, cited by the Turkmen service of RFE/RL, as many as 40% of all passengers bound to travel abroad were prevented from boarding their planes in the first two months of 2025. The authorities frequently challenge travel documents on dubious grounds—for example, claiming a passport stamp is “illegible” even when it is clearly visible.

State-controlled trade unions facilitate forced cotton labour, ILO monitors obstructed

In May 2025, the Cotton Campaign released a report documenting the continued widespread and systematic use of state-imposed forced labour during Turkmenistan’s 2024 cotton harvest, based on monitoring conducted by Turkmen News and TIHR. The report, Turkmenistan Cotton: State-Imposed Forced Labor in the 2024 Harvest and Links to Global Supply Chains, reveals that despite some limited progress—such as exempting certain doctors and teachers from participation and increasing picking rates to encourage voluntary work—authorities continued to compel public sector employees to either pick cotton or pay for replacement workers under threat of penalties. Although the state no longer officially mobilises children, and cotton picking is classified as hazardous work prohibited for those under 18, instances of child labour were still recorded.

The report also highlighted the active role of state-controlled trade unions in facilitating forced labour. In the absence of independent unions or worker protections, the government-run National Centre of Trade Unions not only failed to protect workers but actively participated in the system—organising worker mobilisation and collecting funds for replacement pickers. Trade union representatives, along with officials from state-owned companies, compiled picker lists and collected money from employees in sectors such as gas and telecommunications, reinforcing their role in sustaining this exploitative practice.

While the government has engaged with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and permitted ILO monitors to observe the 2024 harvest, monitors faced significant obstacles. These included being denied access to certain institutions and experiencing interference during data collection—issues documented in both the Cotton Campaign’s report and an earlier ILO report.

The ILO report also confirmed the continued forced mobilisation of public sector workers and the involvement of children, despite some positive steps such as higher payments. It stressed the urgent need for stronger enforcement of anti-coercion laws, improved monitoring, structural reforms to promote voluntary labour, and the full implementation of the ILO-Turkmenistan Roadmap, including by ensuring fair wages, safe working conditions, and effective complaint mechanisms.

Peaceful Assembly

As a rule, no organised protests take place in Turkmenistan because of the repressive climate and the risk of persecution facing anyone who criticises those in power. At the same time, citizens face intimidation for spontaneous attempts to raise legitimate grievances.

This is a recent example of arbitrary and repressive measures used to suppress public expressions of concern:

• As reported by Turkmen News, on 18 March 2025, a 65-year-old man was reportedly beaten to death by police after being detained over a domestic dispute in Ahal region. His body was returned to his family within hours, but investigative authorities denied any wrongdoing, stating only that “his hour of death had come.” Relatives were pressured into withdrawing their complaints. When news of the incident spread, dozens of local residents gathered outside the police station in protest. In response, law enforcement officers acted repressively, taking individuals into the building one by one and coercing them into deleting their photos and videos, effectively silencing any public outcry.

This case illustrates authorities’ refusal to acknowledge or address public discontent—even when expressed peacefully:

• According to TIHR’s sources, in February 2025, residents of Burdalyk village gathered to purchase discounted flour from a state-run store. While initially pleased with the lower price, buyers soon discovered the flour was infested with insects and unfit for baking. When residents turned to local authorities to complain, their concerns were dismissed. At the district administration, they were scolded for “always being dissatisfied” and told they could not expect both low prices and quality goods. In a rare act of further protest, villagers hung sacks of spoiled flour on the gate of the local administrator’s house. However, their grievances were ignored.

In violation of the right to voluntary participation in assemblies, authorities continue to forcibly mobilise public sector employees, students and other residents to participate in state-organised events under threat of reprisals such as dismissal or loss of benefits. These events and their rehearsals often result in significant disruptions to work and studies, while also exposing participants to health risks due to the intense nature of the programme and harsh weather conditions.

This is a recent example:

• As reported by TIHR, on 19 March, 2025, students from secondary schools and universities in Turkmenabat were gathered to participate in official Novruz celebrations. The event took place from 9 AM to 5 PM in temperatures exceeding 35°C, with participants reportedly not allowed to leave the venue, eat, or drink water. Despite the extreme heat, the event continued even after two female students lost consciousness—likely due to heat stroke.

Authorities also continue to mobilise citizens for participation in so-called subbotniki—mandatory days of unpaid labour. For example, on 22 March 2025, during a nationwide subbotnik ordered by the president, citizens were required to plant trees, even though the day had been declared a public holiday. The tree-planting took place under the scorching sun, with temperatures around 30°C, making the task especially gruelling for those observing the fast.