Introduction
In February 2026, a planned public celebration for Croatia’s handball team’s bronze medal in Zagreb turned into a political dispute after authorities clashed over the inclusion of controversial singer Marko Perković Thompson.
The city, led by left-green Mayor Tomislav Tomašević, initially helped organise a reception at Ban Josip Jelačić Square but refused to allow Thompson to perform, citing his far-right associations and previous use of the Ustasha-linked slogan “Za dom spremni” (“For the homeland – ready!”), which is linked to the fascist World War II-era Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Ustasha regime. In response, the Croatian Handball Federation cancelled the original city-backed event.
The national government then intervened and, together with the federation, organised its own celebration on the square, overriding the city’s decision.
On 2nd February, as the singer took to the stage, a banner reading “United against fascism” was unfurled on a building in Ban Jelačić Square. The “United Against Fascism” initiative stated that Zagreb “is not and will not be a backdrop for political performances that normalise hatred, historical revisionism and authoritarian policies”. It said the action aimed to highlight what it described as the Croatian government’s arbitrariness, arguing that it was “violating the law and the Constitution” by continuing practices that normalise Ustasha ideology, as well as threats, intimidation, hatred and violence.
Freedom of Peaceful Assembly
Anti-fascist marches across Croatia
On 30th November 2025, several thousand people marched through central Zagreb in an anti-fascist protest under the slogan “United against fascism”. Parallel marches were also held in Rijeka, Pula and Zadar. According to media reports, the total number of participants in the protests exceeded 20,000.
The protests followed several incidents protesters deem symptomatic of the rise of historical revisionism, far-right rhetoric and the public use of Ustasha symbols, including the disruption of Serbian cultural events. Organisers said the demonstrations were a response to increasing intimidation, anti-Serb incidents and attempts to rehabilitate fascist ideology in public life. Incidents and minor clashes with groups of masked counter-protesters were recorded in Rijeka and Zadar.
In early November 2025, Croatia’s Days of Serbian Culture were disrupted by two far-right incidents targeting Serbian community events. On 3rd November, masked men stormed a venue in Split, forcing cancellation of a Serbian cultural programme; nine suspects were later arrested. The arrests triggered a protest on 8th November by around 2,000 football hooligans who demanded the suspects’ release while chanting far-right slogans and playing songs by Marko Perković Thompson. The previous day in Zagreb, around 50 masked men gathered outside the city’s Serbian Cultural Centre, chanting the Ustasha slogan “Za dom spremni”.
Seven convicted over attack on anti-fascist march
In January 2026, a court in Rijeka convicted six adult men and a minor for disrupting a peaceful anti-fascist protest in November 2025. The group had attacked participants and chanted slogans glorifying the NDH. Dressed in dark clothing with covered faces, the group stormed Jadranski Square as the anti-fascist march was taking place, shouted insults, used pyrotechnics, and physically assaulted at least one participant. Judges found their actions were aimed at disrupting the protest and intimidating the participants, and amounted to the promotion of a racist ideology and glorification of the NDH regime. Fines ranging from around EUR 3,300 to EUR 4,200 were imposed, alongside court costs. The minor received a six-month ban from football-related events and mandatory counselling.
Protests and intimidation targeting public figures outspoken against the far-right
At the end of 2025 and the beginning of 2026, a series of right-wing protests was held outside the homes of public figures who have criticised the use of Ustasha symbols and historical revisionism, sparking controversy and initiatives to ban protests outside private residences.
On 28th December 2025, activists associated with the far-right Autochthonous Croatian Party of Rights (Autohtona – Hrvatska Stranka Prava, A-HSP) protested outside the home of Zagreb Mayor Tomislav Tomašević after city authorities blocked a second concert by singer Marko Perković Thompson. Demonstrators sang Thompson’s songs, displayed HOS symbols and chanted the Ustasha slogan “Za dom spremni”. Police closed access to the street and deployed officers and a drone to monitor the gathering.
On 24th January 2026, A-HSP staged a similar protest outside the Zagreb apartment of MP Anka Mrak-Taritaš. Led by Keleminec, protesters had cited the liberal politician’s alleged “attacks” on the Croatian national identity and the legacy of the 1990s independence war, due to her criticism of symbols and chants associated with the Ustasha and NDH. Police monitored the gathering, with no immediate reports of arrests or violence, although video footage captured residents pouring water on demonstrators from the building.
Mrak-Taritaš condemned the protest’s “inflammatory narrative”, warning that normalising extremist rhetoric and failing to address hate speech encourages both online abuse and increasingly bold behaviour in public. She described the incident as part of a broader societal problem but said it would not affect her political work.
In February, journalist Boris Dežulović and his sister asked Croatian authorities to ban a planned right-wing protest outside their parents’ home in Split, arguing it is intended to intimidate rather than express political views. The gathering, titled “Operation Boris Dežulović” and organised by A-HSP leader Dražen Keleminec, targeted an address where Dežulović no longer lives but where his elderly parents reside.
On 28th February, the Split police did block the protest from taking place in front of the residence, but nevertheless allowed the A-HSP activists and Keleminec to gather around 100 metres away. According to media reports, despite deploying around 50 officers, barriers and a drone, police did not stop the group from shouting threats, insults and hate speech at Dežulović and other journalists. The gathering lasted for around 45 minutes. Several protesters tried to breach police barriers but were stopped.
Opposition proposes legal ban on protests at private homes
In this context, in March 2026, opposition parties GLAS and DOSIP proposed amendments to Croatia’s Law on Public Assembly to ban protests outside private homes, arguing that recent demonstrations targeting politicians’ residences amount to intimidation rather than legitimate political expression.
MP Anka Mrak-Taritaš said the changes aim to protect the constitutional right to the inviolability of the home, warning that such gatherings increasingly target women, journalists, and their families. The proposal also highlights what opposition figures describe as inconsistent government policy, noting that protests have long been restricted in Zagreb’s central Markov Square while remaining permitted outside private residences.
If adopted, the amendments would introduce a clear legal ban on protests at private addresses and set new limits on public assembly in residential areas.
Anti-migrant protest in Korenica
Residents of Korenica and nearby areas protested in February 2026 in front of the municipal building of Plitvička Jezera, opposing plans to construct a migrant reception centre in Željava. The protest was organised at the invitation of the local mayor, with participants expressing concern over the presence of migrants in the area. In response, Interior Minister Davor Božinović stated that authorities were still analysing the possible location for the centre and that no final decision had been made.
Counter-protesters against “prayer protests” cease picket, declare victory
On 7th February 2026, the collective Dodirni mi koljena announced it was ending its counter-protests against conservative prayer gatherings outside St. Vitus Cathedral in Rijeka, saying the organisers had shifted their rhetoric away from openly promoting women’s subordination. The group called this a political victory achieved through sustained activism and announced a final symbolic action by attending mass inside the cathedral. Members said the protests had challenged what they viewed as an ideological campaign against women’s rights and secular public space, and supported Rijeka Archbishop Mate Uzinić’s position that prayer should take place inside churches rather than in public squares.
As previously reported by the CIVICUS Monitor, since 2022, prayer gatherings have taken place in public spaces across Croatia on the first Saturday of every month. Promoted by “Be Manly”, an online portal for Catholic men aiming to reaffirm the Biblical concept of manhood, they were inspired by similar events in Poland organised by the ultra-conservative Ordo Iuris Foundation. These gatherings, where groups of men pray for women’s modesty and for men to have spiritual authority in the family, have been a source of controversy for years and have drawn criticism and counter-protests from feminist and other rights groups.
Environmental Concerns Spark Protests
A protest was held in January 2026 in front of the Ministry of Environmental Protection in Zagreb over the planned construction of large-scale poultry farms and slaughterhouses. Participants raised environmental concerns, warning about potential ecological damage and the impact on local communities. The protest was organised by civic and environmental activists, with no reported restrictions or incidents during the assembly. The issue remained a subject of continued mobilisation in the following months. In April 2026, environmental organisations, including Zelena Akcija, announced and organised further protests, warning of an “ecological catastrophe” and calling on authorities to halt the projects.
Trade unions protest for a minimum wage increase
Trade unions in Croatia announced protest actions and demands in April 2026, including a request for an average salary of €2,200 and an increase in the minimum wage. Union representatives stated that mobilisation would follow if negotiations with the government did not produce results. Ahead of the announced protests, Croatian Minister of Science and Education Radovan Fuchs dismissed the unionists’ demands, stating that there was no reason to protest as salaries had never grown more. On 18th April, the trade union protest “Croatia together for higher salaries and pensions” took place in Zagreb’s central square, reportedly bringing together more than 10,000 people. No incidents or restrictions were reported.
Freedom of Expression
A report published by Civil Liberties Union for Europe, referenced by the Croatian Journalists’ Association, found no progress in the media environment and media freedom in Croatia during 2025. The report highlighted ongoing concerns affecting journalists and media outlets, including attacks and threats, political pressures, strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs) and a lack of oversight and transparency in the allocation of public advertising funds.
Attacks and pressure on journalists
On 14th January 2026, Croatia’s Prime Minister Andrej Plenković discredited journalists and media outlets during a Government session, accusing them of publishing “false reports” about increases in social benefits. The Croatian Journalists’ Association and the Trade Union of Croatian Journalists condemned the remarks, calling it “a direct insult to the professional dignity” of everyone who had reported on the issue. They called on the Prime Minister to issue a public apology and retraction.
On 21st January 2026, Novosti journalist Boris Dežulović was summoned to Omiš Police Station to confirm his place of residence in Split, following a complaint by the Croatian Victimology Society and the Association of Croatian Political Prisoners alleging he did not live at his registered address. As noted in the section on freedom of peaceful assembly, in February 2026 Dežulović was also targeted by a protest organised by far-right activist Dražen Keleminec, president of the A-HSP, which was held in the vicinity of his parents’ residence in Split.
Earlier, on 12th January, journalist and writer Viktor Ivančić was also subjected to police checks at his home in Split following a similar complaint. Under Croatian law, successful deregistration of one’s residence based on such complaints can render official identity documents invalid, affecting journalists both professionally and privately, including impeding their ability to travel and access public services. However, in both cases, the Split-Dalmatia Police Department assessed that the legal requirements for the ex officio deregistration of a residencial address were not met.
On 24th January 2026, the Mayor of Zadar, Šime Erlić, used his official Facebook page to discredit the news portal Slobodna Dalmacija and its reporter Ivica Nevešćanin. The journalist had been reporting on allegations that maritime concession procedures in Zadar favoured certain individuals. After being questioned at a press conference, the Mayor published a post criticising the reporter’s work, describing it as “biased, non-objective and unreasonable.”
On 13th February 2026, the president of the Croatian Journalists’ Association, Hrvoje Zovko, was threatened on Facebook by controversial right wing politician and retired military general Branimir Glavaš. Glavaš was one of the founders of the ruling Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) party, served as a major general in the Croatian War of Independence, and has been found guilty of war crimes, including the torture and murder of civilians, for acts committed under his command. In a post explicitly naming Zovko, Glavaš referred to a potential “Bucharest scenario”, alluding to the execution of Nicolae Ceaușescu and his wife during the Romanian Revolution. The Association’s vice-president, Chiara Bilić, confirmed the threats had been reported to the police and urged the government to respond to the rising number of attacks on journalists.
On 19th March 2026, Health Minister Irena Hrstić held a press conference in Zagreb attended by only four television stations and the Croatian News Agency (HINA), excluding other journalists and media outlets. She addressed allegations relating to the so-called “Medikol affair”, which concerned claims that her ministry had systematically directed public investment to a private clinic rather than public healthcare infrastructure. When asked by Index.hr about the exclusion of media, a spokesperson reportedly said the event was organised at short notice and aimed at ensuring the statement aired on main television news programmes. The Croatian Journalists’ Association requested an explanation, describing the approach as “undemocratic treatment of the media”.
On 18th March 2026, the newly appointed director of the Istrian National Theatre (INK), Jasminko Balenović, cancelled a scheduled interview with journalist Zoran Angeleski of the independent outlet Istra24 in Pula. The interview had been postponed several times previously. During a phone call, he allegedly compared Istra24 to the Serbian pro-government tabloid Informer, suggesting he would face political attacks regardless of what he said. The Istrian branch of the Croatian Journalists’ Association condemned the decision, stressing that public officials are expected to ensure open and accountable communication with the media.
On 12th April 2026, journalists from Croatian Radiotelevision (HRT) and the portal Morski.hr were reportedly verbally attacked and threatened while reporting on alleged excessive construction in Sevid na Moru. While filming from a boat, one of the locals accompanying the journalists received phone threats, and upon returning to shore the team was allegedly confronted by three men. According to Morski.hr, one individual verbally assaulted the journalists, stopping only when they began filming the exchange. After the incident gained media attention, the Croatian Journalists’ Association was contacted by the Police Directorate, which stated that they had investigated and concluded that the described event did not occur.
New Media Law Adopted
On 4th March 2026, the Croatian Parliament adopted a law implementing the European Media Freedom Act, aimed at bringing Croatia’s media legislation into line with new EU standards on media independence and transparency. The law creates a new Agency for Media with expanded powers to oversee the media sector, replacing the existing Agency for Electronic Media in broader regulatory functions.
The legislation is meant to strengthen rules on transparency of media ownership, financing and the allocation of public advertising funds. It also introduces a requirement for media outlets to clearly label content generated using artificial intelligence.
The government said the law improves safeguards for media independence and pluralism. Opposition MPs and media associations have assessed the law more critically, arguing it only meets the minimum requirements set out by the EU and does not address key concerns, including political pressure on journalists, unsafe working conditions, strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs), media ownership concentration and opaque state advertising practices.
Anti-SLAPP Law Introduced
On 1st April, a draft anti-SLAPP law – the Law on the Protection of Persons Involved in Public Activities – was submitted to the Croatian Parliament, aiming to protect journalists, activists and others engaged in public interest work from strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs).
The law is intended to protect journalists, publishers, whistleblowers, civil society organisations and human rights defenders against abusive lawsuits, introducing safeguards including early dismissal of unfounded claims, reimbursement of legal costs and financial penalties for plaintiffs found to have pursued malicious litigation. Fines could reach EUR 20,000 for legal entities and EUR 5,000 for individuals.
According to Justice Minister Damir Habijan, while the bill transposes the European Union anti-SLAPP directive into national law, it is also intended to extend its scope to cover both domestic and cross-border civil and commercial cases.
Ombudswoman finds Novosti’s funding was unfairly cut
The 2025 report by Croatia’s Ombudswoman, Tena Šimonović Einwalter, published in March 2026, detailed the findings of an investigation into the 35% cut to public funding for independent Serbian weekly Novosti. It identified procedural violations in the funding allocation process that raise concerns about “freedom of expression, especially freedom of the press, whose purpose in democratic societies is also to speak out critically on current issues”.
As previously reported by the CIVICUS Monitor, in April 2025 media associations condemned the Council for National Minorities’ decision to cut Novosti’s funding as discriminatory, noting that the far-right Homeland Movement, a junior coalition partner in the Croatian government since 2024, had publicly pledged during its election campaign to reduce or completely withdraw funding from the outlet.
The investigation found that Novosti had been singled out among minority media and placed at a disadvantage, with the Council attempting to influence its editorial policy and critical reporting. It was the only minority outlet whose content was specifically reviewed during the grant process, despite other funded publications also covering political topics.
The ombudswoman’s investigation also disclosed which articles the Council had deemed unacceptable. According to Novosti, these included reporting on the denial of crimes at Jasenovac concentration camp, women’s and minority rights, and criticism of Prime Minister Andrej Plenković and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić.
Cartoonist Acquitted of Defamation Charges
In April 2026, cartoonist Nik Titanik was acquitted after a higher court in Croatia upheld a first-instance ruling dismissing insult and defamation charges brought by former GNK Dinamo Zagreb executive Krešimir Antolić. The case concerned three cartoons published in 24sata in March 2020, in which Antolić was referred to using colloquial terms meaning “cop” and “snitch”.
The proceedings lasted nearly three years and involved several postponed hearings. Titanik said the final ruling was significant because it prevented a legal precedent that could have restricted criticism of public figures and undermined media freedom. He argued that such a precedent would have affected not only cartoonists and satirists, but also journalists and other artists engaging in public commentary.